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OPPOSITION TO BUDDHISM AND THE HAN LEGACY 反对佛教和汉代遗产
IF 0.3 3区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.1017/eac.2022.8
T. H. Barrett

Michael Loewe has repeatedly and as recently as 2021 looked at how Confucius appears in Han sources and has drawn attention to his lack of prominence, at least to the degree one might expect. Here, a preliminary assessment of the sources of opposition to Buddhism in one key sixth-century c.e. collection of polemics further demonstrates that adherence to mingjiao 名教 (Teaching of a Good Name) or to lijiao 禮教 (teaching on ritual) appears there as the main identifiers of opponents; rujiao, the term often later translated as “Confucianism,” is mentioned but once. While the commitment to values such as filial piety promoted by opponents of Buddhism is clear; their institutional coherence and self-awareness as a group does not seem to have been at all on a par with that of the Buddhist community. That situation did not start to shift until the Tang dynasty.

直到2021年,迈克尔·洛伊(Michael Loewe)一直在反复研究孔子在汉文资料中的形象,并引起了人们对他缺乏知名度的关注,至少在人们可能期望的程度上是这样。在这里,对公元六世纪一本重要的论辩文集中反对佛教的来源的初步评估进一步表明,坚持“名教”或“礼教”是反对者的主要标志;“儒教”一词后来常被翻译为“儒学”,但只被提及一次。虽然佛教反对者所倡导的孝道等价值观的承诺是明确的;作为一个群体,他们的机构一致性和自我意识似乎根本无法与佛教社区相提并论。这种情况直到唐朝才开始改变。
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引用次数: 0
DU FU 杜甫 ON THE HAN DYNASTY: A MEDIEVAL VIEW OF THE CLASSICAL CHINESE EMPIRE 杜甫论汉朝:中国古典帝国的中世纪观
IF 0.3 3区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/eac.2022.14
D. Mcmullen
Du Fu, one of the two most celebrated poets of the Tang, was very much a product of his era in the way that he found a usable past in Han-dynasty verse, episodes, and people. From 750 on, his writings were replete with allusions to the Han, some subtle and others more forthright. Taken together, these allusions suggest his firm beliefs in the course of history determined by human moral agency, in morality as “a man's own charge”; also in the role of fate determining the succession of dynasties, even as he deplored the workings of capricious fate on individual lives. Such beliefs are unremarkable in content, being much closer to conventional Tang concepts of the individual than most commentaries on Du Fu allow.
杜甫是唐代两位最著名的诗人之一,他从汉代的诗歌、篇章和人物中发现了有用的过去,这在很大程度上是他那个时代的产物。从公元750年起,他的著作中充满了对汉朝的影射,有些隐晦,有些则更为直白。总之,这些典故表明他坚定地相信历史进程是由人类的道德力量决定的,相信道德是“一个人自己的责任”;他也认为命运决定了朝代的继承,尽管他对个人生活中反复无常的命运深表遗憾。这样的信念在内容上并不引人注目,比大多数杜甫评论所允许的更接近传统的唐代个人概念。
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引用次数: 0
HOW DO EXCAVATED MANUSCRIPTS AND TRANSMITTED CANONS AND COMMENTARIES SHED LIGHT ON EACH OTHER? AN OUTLOOK FROM MATHEMATICS 发掘出来的手稿和流传下来的正典和注释是如何相互解释的?从数学角度看问题
IF 0.3 3区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/eac.2022.15
Karine 力娜 Chemla 林
Abstract Before the mathematical manuscript titled Writings on Mathematical Procedures (Suanshu shu 筭數書) was found at Zhangjiashan, historians of mathematics could trace mathematics in early imperial China only on the basis of the received canonical literature, notably The Nine Chapters on Mathematical Procedures (Jiuzhang suanshu 九章算術). After the Zhangjiashan and other mathematical manuscripts were found, they were mainly compared with The Nine Chapters, in the belief that these were all early imperial mathematical works and therefore adequate objects of comparison. As such, The Nine Chapters was transmitted with layers of commentaries and subcommentaries. This article argues that Writings on Mathematical Procedures presents important parallels with the commentarial literature on The Nine Chapters. This sheds light on how such exegeses were composed. The article further demonstrates that examination of these commentaries and subcommentaries allows us to perceive parallels between Writings on Mathematical Procedures and The Nine Chapters that to date have not been considered.
在张家山发现数学手稿《算术书筭》之前,数学史家只能根据公认的经典文献,特别是《九章算术书》,来追溯中国早期的数学。在《张家山》和其他数学手稿被发现后,人们主要将它们与《九章》进行比较,认为这些都是早期的皇家数学著作,因此有足够的比较对象。因此,《九章》是通过层层的注释和次注释来传播的。本文认为《数学程序论》与《九章论》的评注文献有重要的相似之处。这阐明了这些训诂是如何写成的。文章进一步证明,对这些评注和次评注的考察使我们能够感知到《数学过程著作》和《九章论》之间的相似之处,而这些相似之处迄今尚未被考虑到。
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引用次数: 0
THE WAY TO THE WHITE TIGER HALL CONFERENCE: EVIDENCE GLEANED FROM THE FORMATION PROCESS OF THE BAIHU TONG 白虎堂会址之路:从白虎堂形成过程中搜集的证据
IF 0.3 3区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/eac.2022.16
Shi Jian
The White Tiger Hall conference, held in the fourth year (79 c.e.) of the Jianchu 建初 reign in the Eastern Han, was a significant event in both politics and classical learning during and after that time. As the summary of the conference, composed after its conclusion, the Baihu tong 白虎通 is the main resource for investigating the details of this conference. Clarifying the formation process of the Baihu tong is helpful to elicit information regarding the White Tiger Hall conference from the findings recorded in its text. By tracing the history of the court conferences as an administrative institution and considering the particular nature of manuscript compilation, textual genre formats, and literary circulation during the Han, this paper suggests that the Baihu yizou 白虎議奏 referred to in the sources represents the compilation of the positions of the different debaters during the conference by Chunyu Gong 淳于恭 that was eventually sent to Emperor Zhang 章帝 for his approval; the Baihu tongde lun 白虎通德論 would be the corpus of the final rulings that had already been compiled before the conference ended and then edited by Ban Gu 班固. Later, the Emperor instructed his archivists to compose the Baihu tong by condensing the Baihu tongde lun. According to its formation process, the Baihu tong is the work of a collection of experts, rather than a compilation by a single person. Evidence shows that, although Emperor Zhang could weigh in on the court discussions (chengzhi linjue 稱制臨決), he could not ignore the consensus, nor could he simply mandate that the conference participants agree with him. In this regard, the Baihu tong cannot be considered a synthesis of the court's findings, establishing a single court ideology. Rather, it is best to see the text we have now as evidence of vigorous debates among the conference participants, including the Emperor himself and a range of other officials. In conclusion, the best way to uncover the facts about the White Tiger Hall conference via the Baihu tong is to reverse the process of textual formation, to glean information about the probable historical basis for the disputes recorded in the text.
东汉建初四年(公元79年)举行的白虎堂会议,是当时及之后政治和典学的重大事件。作为会议结束后撰写的会议纪要,《白湖通录》是考察会议细节的主要资料。澄清白虎通的形成过程,有助于从白虎堂会议的文本记录中获取有关白虎堂会议的信息。通过追溯朝廷会议作为一种行政制度的历史,并考虑到汉代稿件编撰、文本体裁格式和文献流通的特殊性,本文认为,资料中提到的《白虎一词》代表了春雨公《衍传》在会议期间不同辩手的立场汇编,最终呈交给张政皇批准;《白湖通德论《白湖通德论《白湖通德论》将是会议结束前已经编纂好的最终裁决的语料库,由班固编辑。后来,皇帝指示他的档案人员将《白狐通牒》浓缩成《白狐通牒》。从其形成过程来看,《白虎通》是一批专家的作品,而不是一个人的编撰。有证据表明,虽然张皇帝可以参与朝廷的讨论,但他不能忽视共识,也不能简单地命令会议参与者同意他的意见。就此而言,《百虎通牒》不能被认为是法院判决的综合,建立了单一的法院意识形态。相反,最好将我们现在的文本视为会议与会者,包括皇帝本人和一系列其他官员之间激烈辩论的证据。综上所述,通过《白虎堂通牒》揭示白虎堂会议真相的最佳途径是倒转文本的形成过程,收集文本中记载的争议的可能历史依据的信息。
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引用次数: 0
NOTES ON THE “NOTE” (JI 記) IN EARLY ADMINISTRATIVE TEXTS 关于早期行政典籍中“注”的注释
IF 0.3 3区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/eac.2022.9
Luke Habberstad
This article examines ji 記 in received and excavated texts from the late Warring States, Qin, and Western Han periods. In pre-imperial texts, the word rarely appears, and when it does, it usually refers to records of historical events, precedents, or authoritative knowledge, but the word, in contrast to later periods, never means “note” or “letter.” By contrast, Western Han documents from the arid northwest regions contain many examples of texts that self-identify as ji. These ji are best characterized as less formal notes or letters that invited or required exchanges of items or information between people. The articles argues that this incorporation of ji into different kinds of administrative work gave the word a wider and subtler palette of meanings than it apparently enjoyed in the pre-imperial period, judging from the extant sources. The shift is echoed in descriptions of practices at the Western Han imperial court. Thus, a closer look at ji reminds us that administrative texts help us understand not only government operations, but also shifts in manuscript practices during the early empires.
本文考察了战国晚期、秦国和西汉时期的文献。在帝国之前的文本中,这个词很少出现,即使出现,它通常指的是历史事件、先例或权威知识的记录,但与后来的时期相比,这个词从来没有“笔记”或“信件”的意思。相比之下,来自干旱的西北地区的西汉文献包含了许多自认为是“记”的文本的例子。这些“记”的最佳特征是邀请或要求人们交换物品或信息的不太正式的笔记或信件。文章认为,从现存的资料来看,将“己”纳入不同的行政工作中,使“己”一词的含义比前帝国时期更广泛、更微妙。这种转变在对西汉朝廷习俗的描述中得到了呼应。因此,仔细研究纪事提醒我们,行政文本不仅帮助我们了解政府运作,而且还帮助我们了解早期帝国时期手稿实践的转变。
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引用次数: 0
EAC volume 45 Cover and Back matter EAC第45卷封面和封底
IF 0.3 3区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/eac.2022.24
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引用次数: 0
LETTER FROM THE EDITOR 编辑的来信
IF 0.3 3区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/eac.2022.22
Sarah Allan
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引用次数: 0
RE-MAKING ANIMAL BODIES IN THE ARTS OF EARLY CHINA AND NORTH ASIA: PERSPECTIVES FROM THE STEPPE 早期中国和北亚艺术中的动物身体再造:来自草原的视角
IF 0.3 3区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/eac.2022.7
Petya 陪雅 Andreeva 安
Abstract The Iron-Age Eurasian nomads created and circulated elaborate metalworks embellished with images of entwined, abbreviated, or contorted zoomorphic anatomies. This approach to zoomorphism has entered scholarly discourse under the blanket name “animal style,” a term often used to describe a vast corpus of zoomorphic images associated with the arts of steppe pastoralists. Numerous Warring States burials across the Ordos Loop indicate the transmission and adaptation of steppe-inspired zoomorphism into the funerary cultures of China's northern zone (beifang diqu 北方地區) and the Eastern Steppe more broadly. In the Han dynasty, animal-style images seem to have been transmitted even more widely, reaching China's southern periphery at the Kingdom of Nanyue 南越 and Lelang 樂浪 in the northern Korean peninsula. The Xianbei hegemony in the post-Han period marked a new trajectory for these designs, which reached Kofun Japan in the fifth century. Thus, the original trans-steppe visual formula underwent significant regional and local translations on a material and conceptual level to fit already established Chinese design strategies, techniques, and conceptions of animality. In this essay, I explore the regional alterations applied to the “supra” animal-style visuality in the Chinese northern periphery and other regions of Chinese political influence in North and Central Asia. In so doing, I seek to understand the swift entry of nomadic visual tropes, namely a specific “pars-pro-toto” device, into the visual vocabulary of early Chinese craftsmen from the Eastern Zhou to the Northern dynasties.
铁器时代的欧亚游牧民族创造并流传着精美的金属制品,上面装饰着缠绕的、缩短的或扭曲的兽形解剖图像。这种动物形象化的方法以“动物风格”这个笼统的名称进入了学术讨论,这个术语通常用来描述与草原牧民艺术相关的大量动物形象化图像。鄂尔多斯环路上众多的战国墓葬表明,受草原动物形象启发的动物形象在中国北部地区(北方地区)和更广泛的东部草原的丧葬文化中传播和适应。在汉代,动物风格的图像似乎传播得更广泛,到达了中国南部的南越国和朝鲜半岛北部的乐郎。后汉时期鲜卑的霸权标志着这些设计的新轨迹,并在5世纪传到了日本古坟。因此,原始的跨草原视觉公式在材料和概念层面上经历了重大的区域和地方翻译,以适应已经建立的中国设计策略、技术和动物概念。在这篇文章中,我探讨了中国北部边缘地区以及中国在北亚和中亚的其他政治影响地区应用于“超”动物风格视觉的区域变化。在这样做的过程中,我试图理解游牧视觉修辞的迅速进入,即一种特定的“pars-pro-toto”装置,进入从东周到北朝的早期中国工匠的视觉词汇。
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引用次数: 0
ANNUAL BIBLIOGRAPHY 年度参考书目
IF 0.3 3区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/eac.2022.21
Yingdong Yang, Tao Jiang, Bo Yang, Bin Tang, Tianyou Wang, Xiaoting Wang, L. Xue, Ran Chen, Hongwei Si, Yao Jin, G. Hou, Xiaoliang Chen, Jingyi Gao, Elizabeth Berger, Ruilin Mao, Hui Wang, G. Feinman, Linda M. Nicholas, Zhengliang Wang, Xiao Long, Z. Jin, Binghua Wang, X. Chang, Yongqiang Wang, E. Lü, A. Fan
Anyang Team, Instituteof Archaeology, ChineseAcademy of Social Sciences. “The Excavation of a Cache of Lead Ingots in Liujiazhuang Locus North of Yinxu, Anyang, Henan: Anyang Team, Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.” Chinese Archaeology 21.1 (2021), 125–32. Campbell, Roderick B. “Beyond Meaning: Skeuomorphy and the Mediation of Shang Things.” World Archaeology 52.3 (2020), 376–94. Chen, Dian, Yingdong Yang, Tao Jiang, Bo Yang, Bin Tang, and Wugan Luo. “On Coinage Technology Features and Lead Material Management of the Qin State from the Chengdu Ban Liang Coins.” Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 35 (2021), 102779. Chen, Dian, Yingdong Yang, Tianyou Wang, Xiaoting Wang, and Wugan Luo. “Imitation or Importation: Archaeometallurgical Research on Bronze Dagger-Axes from Shuangyuan Village Cemetery of the Shu State in the Eastern Zhou Dynasty.” Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 40 (2021), 103218. Chen, Frederick Shih-Chung. “Not That Kind of Big Men: A Response to Lukas Nickel’s Interpretation of the Term Da Ren 大人 in Lintao 臨洮.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 141.2 (2021), 427–36. Chen, Hong, Liping Xue, Ran Chen, Hongwei Si, Yao Jin, and Yixue Tang. “A Functional Study of Ground Stone Tools from the Bronze Age Site of Dingjiacun in South China: Based on Use-Wear Evidence.” Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 40 (2021), 103215. Chen, Xuan. “Rethinking Foreign Influences on Stone-Carved Tombs in Early China.” World Archaeology 53.2 (2021), 200–223. Chen, Yantang, and Xi Chen. “From Sima Qian to Johan Gunnar Andersson: The Internal Logic and External Drive of the Birth of Chinese Archaeology.” Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 82 (2021). Chen, Youcheng, Guangliang Hou, Xiaoliang Chen, Jingyi Gao, and Sunmei Jin. “New Perspectives on the Late Pleistocene Peopling of the Tibetan Plateau: The Core-and-Flake Industry from the Tongtian River Valley.” Antiquity 95.381 (2021), 587–604.
中国社会科学院考古研究所安阳工作队。“河南安阳殷墟以北刘家庄遗址铅锭库发掘:中国社会科学院考古研究所安阳队”,《中国考古》21.1(2021),125-32。Campbell,Roderick B.“超越意义:假相与商的中介”,《世界考古学》52.3(2020),376-94。陈、点、杨英东、蒋涛、杨neneneba波、唐斌、罗五干。“从成都班良钱币看秦国的钱币技术特征和铅料管理”,《考古科学杂志》:第35期(2021),102779。陈、典、杨英东、王天佑、王晓婷、罗无干。“模仿还是进口:东周蜀国双元村墓地青铜匕首斧的考古冶金研究”,《考古科学杂志》:报告40(2021),103218。陈,石。“不是那种大人物”——回应卢卡斯·尼克尔对“大人物”一词的解读大人 在临洮臨洮.” 《美国东方学会杂志》141.2(2021),427-36。陈、洪、薛丽萍、陈冉、司宏伟、姚进、唐一雪。“中国南方丁家村青铜时代遗址磨石工具的功能研究:基于使用磨损证据”,《考古科学杂志》:报告40(2021),103215。陈,萱。“反思外国对中国早期石刻墓的影响”,《世界考古学》53.2(2021),200–223。陈、燕堂和Xi陈。“从司马迁到安德松:中国考古学诞生的内在逻辑和外在驱动”,《远东文物博物馆公报》第82期(2021)。陈、友诚、侯光良、陈晓亮、高静怡、金孙梅。“青藏高原晚更新世人民的新视角:通天河谷的核心和薄片工业”,《古物》95.381(2021),587–604。
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引用次数: 0
MICHAEL LOEWE, A MODEL FOR THE AGES 迈克尔·洛伊,千古名模
IF 0.3 3区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/eac.2022.19
Michael Nylan, T. Wilson
Soon to celebrate his centennial year, Michael Loewe is certainly the most eminent Han historian today. Without his numerous publications—including not only such foundational reference works as The Biographical Dictionary of Qin and Western Han and Early Chinese Texts but also a wide range of more specialized studies—it is hard to imagine how the once-neglected field of Han history could have garnered such respect among scholars in allied fields in Euro-America and abroad. In these introductory remarks, we reflect on Michael Loewe's distinguished contributions to the field of early Chinese history over several decades and his extraordinary record as teacher. We draw special attention to several ways in which Professor Loewe's work continues to challenge such outdated and anachronistic paradigms as “Confucianism,” and we note the careful ways he correlates received, “found,” and excavated sources. We conclude the introduction with a set of reflections situating Professor Loewe as teacher within a distinguished Sinological lineage.
即将迎来百年诞辰的Michael Loewe无疑是当今最杰出的汉朝历史学家。如果没有他的大量著作——不仅包括《秦西汉传词典》和《中国早期文本》这样的基础参考书,还包括广泛的更专业的研究——很难想象,曾经被忽视的汉史领域如何能在欧美和国外相关领域的学者中获得如此的尊重。在这些开场白中,我们回顾了Michael Loewe几十年来对中国早期历史领域的杰出贡献,以及他作为教师的非凡成就。我们特别关注Loewe教授的作品继续挑战“儒家”等过时和不合时宜的范式的几个方面,我们注意到他将接受、“发现”和挖掘的资料联系起来的谨慎方式。我们以一系列反思来结束引言,将罗威教授置于一个杰出的汉学谱系中。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Early China
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