Pub Date : 2021-09-16DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198865872.003.0017
C. Noe, D. Brockington
This chapter sums up the lessons from the book as a whole. We argue that a common, but not universal trend is that rural assets have increased. Because these assets are not recorded in poverty-line data this wealth is not easily visible, directly, in some poverty statistics. However we also insist that this does not mean that rural Tanzanian families are ‘really’ wealthy even though they look poor. Rather assets capture one facet of the experience of poverty and prosperity. Nonetheless the prevalence and frequency of asset change surprised us. It is notable that asset accumulation appears to have been driven by agricultural activities, although the timing and nature of these changes has varied in each case. We consider the implications of these findings for rural development policy and development data and the implications of our methods for long term research projects.
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Pub Date : 2021-09-16DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198865872.003.0008
D. Brockington
Tracking change in rural communities over time is difficult. It is also important. If one is to understand what forms of peasant poverty persist, or how and in what ways peasant communities can become richer, then one requires longitudinal studies. These are however few. It is difficult to access the data required for them. The chapter presents one case using assets to track growing prosperity that was built on a boom of sesame production in Rukwa Region in Tanzania. It traces the growth of prosperity that the boom caused and the limits of its spread in rural society.
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Pub Date : 2021-09-16DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198865872.003.0015
T. Birch-Thomsen, E. Friis-Hansen
The chapter traces the changing economic history of two villages from their status as frontier settlements with abundant land in the 1950s, to poor farming areas ill-endowed with infrastructure, to more prosperous settlements benefitting from commercialized tomato cultivation and good road connections to the regional capital. The wealth is visible in the larger number of higher-quality houses which are being constructed. There are also changes in local perceptions of what wealth and poverty mean. Finally the chapter presents different sorts of strategies which capture the ways in which residents have responded to the opportunities and circumstances around them.
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Pub Date : 2021-09-16DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198865872.003.0005
M. Mulder
This chapter reports on a fifteen-year study of Mirumba village in Katavi Region in which the author conducted seven full census surveys. On the basis of intricate and detailed data it looks for changes in the wealth distribution of the village and find less extreme poverty. Furthermore, and somewhat surprisingly, this improvement in wealth, as denoted by assets, also correlates with improvement in other measures of well-being and prosperity such as stress, education, and health. These changes are likely driven by greater agricultural activity. It is important to emphasize however that it is difficult to extrapolate from this study to other villages in Tanzania.
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Pub Date : 2021-09-16DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198865872.003.0004
D. Brockington, E. Coast, A. Mdee, O. Howland, S. Randall
Tracking change in assets access and ownership in longitudinal research is difficult. Assets are rarely assigned to individuals. Their benefit and management are spread across domestic units which morph over time. And this dynamism means that any claim about changing prosperity must also include other important claims about how prosperity should be measured and the stability of the social units which experience that prosperity. The chapter reviews the challenges of using assets to understand poverty dynamics, and tracking the domestic units that own and manage assets. It argues that changing asset ownership can be tracked, but who owns them and how their benefits are distributed—and how those distributions change—remains key.
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Pub Date : 2021-09-16DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198865872.003.0002
D. Brockington, C. Noe
This chapter explains why assets are interesting. It first outlines contrary interpretations of change in rural African societies, some of which see rising wealth, and others which see persistent rural poverty. Then it considers how those changes can be known, what data inform those debates. The chapter shows that using measures of poverty based on consumption then recent economic growth in many African countries has not been inclusive, particularly in rural areas. This is certainly the case in Tanzania. However it also shows that these measures of poverty deliberately exclude all forms of investment in productive assets. A rural population would look poor even if it was accumulating assets according to these measures. The chapter examines other studies of changes in assets in other rural societies in African contexts.
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