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Religious Enlightenment in Mass Media (Experience of Uzbekistan) 大众传媒中的宗教启蒙(乌兹别克斯坦的经验)
Pub Date : 2019-02-28 DOI: 10.4172/2332-0761.1000362
Sanjar Saidov
This article analyzes religious tolerance and national harmony in the example of Uzbekistan. Over the years of independence, Uzbekistan has done a tremendous job in establishing interethnic harmony and religious tolerance in the society. And also, the article highlights a broad question on the introduction and implementation in the media of Islamic rituals and traditions.
本文以乌兹别克斯坦为例分析宗教宽容与民族和谐。独立多年来,乌兹别克斯坦在建立民族和谐和宗教宽容方面做了大量工作。此外,这篇文章还强调了一个广泛的问题,即在媒体中介绍和实施伊斯兰仪式和传统。
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引用次数: 0
Sociopolitical Challenges of Afghan Society: Post 9/11 Scenario 阿富汗社会的社会政治挑战:后9/11情景
Pub Date : 2018-11-12 DOI: 10.4172/2332-0761.1000343
K. May, Rehman Tu
The article examines various issues in Afghanistan in the context that emerged after 9/11. It focuses on security, maintenance as well as various development pursuits encompassing the political and economic dimensions of Afghanistan. Being a neighbor of Pakistan, Afghanistan faced a number of challenges, as both countries rely upon a cordial and mutually cooperative relation. However, there exists a trust deficit and the war against terrorism has itself become an issue of major concern between the respective countries. Afghanistan urges Pakistan to do more to stop the alleged extremist infiltrations into Afghan territory. While, Pakistan repeatedly denies such charges and holds Afghan government itself responsible for its failure to check cross border incursions. Foreign powers, especially the Indian involvement in Afghan internal affairs has affected its relations with Pakistan. According to some analysts, the situation has worsened to such an extent that its long term national interests have been adversely affected, especially in the post 9/11 scenario. Pakistan and Afghanistan inherit a great significance for each other. Geo-strategic, socio-political, economic, and other reasons make it a compulsion for both countries to have a cordial relation in their respective vested interests and in the larger interests of peace in the regional as well as international context. After the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, Pakistan hosted a million refugees. Since then it’s a burden on the economy of Pakistan. But, Pakistan never complained to Afghanistan and the international community. These two potential nations of South Asia can defeat and remove many ills faced because of some misunderstandings and ineffective foreign policy. But, such a prospect is only possible if the leadership of both countries successfully tackles all outstanding issues in their bilateralrelationship.
这篇文章考察了9/11之后阿富汗出现的各种问题。它的重点是安全、维护以及包括阿富汗政治和经济方面的各种发展追求。作为巴基斯坦的邻国,阿富汗面临着许多挑战,因为两国依赖于友好和相互合作的关系。然而,两国之间存在信任赤字,反恐战争本身已成为两国关切的重大问题。阿富汗敦促巴基斯坦采取更多行动,阻止所谓的极端主义分子渗透到阿富汗领土。与此同时,巴基斯坦一再否认这些指控,并认为阿富汗政府本身应对未能控制越境入侵负责。外国势力,特别是印度对阿富汗内政的介入影响了其与巴基斯坦的关系。一些分析人士认为,局势已经恶化到对美国的长期国家利益产生不利影响的程度,特别是在9/11之后的情况下。巴基斯坦和阿富汗对彼此具有重要意义。地缘战略、社会政治、经济和其他原因迫使两国在各自的既得利益和更大的地区和国际和平利益中建立友好关系。苏联入侵阿富汗后,巴基斯坦收容了一百万难民。从那时起,它就成了巴基斯坦经济的负担。但是,巴基斯坦从未向阿富汗和国际社会抱怨过。这两个潜在的南亚国家可以战胜和消除由于一些误解和无效的外交政策而面临的许多弊病。但是,只有两国领导人成功地解决了双边关系中所有悬而未决的问题,才有可能实现这样的前景。
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引用次数: 1
Creating New Regions in Ghana: Populist or Rational Pathway to Development? 在加纳创建新区域:民粹主义还是理性的发展之路?
Pub Date : 2018-10-16 DOI: 10.4172/2332-0761.1000324
R. Gyampo
The proposal for regional reorganization and the creation of four additional ones seem feasible and have the needed popular support. However, a thorough and detailed analysis of the processes leading to the creation of additional regions reveals imponderable challenges likely to be encountered. This paper argues that popular support for governmental policy proposals is not necessarily coterminous with feasibility, effectiveness and relevance. The paper therefore examines the feasibility and relevance of the proposal for the creation of additional regions in Ghana and proffer policy recommendations to re-focus the attention of policy makers on the critical challenges and barriers to rural development and how they could be effectively tackled.
关于区域改组和增设四个区域的建议似乎是可行的,并得到了必要的民众支持。然而,对导致创建额外区域的进程进行彻底和详细的分析表明,可能会遇到不可估量的挑战。本文认为,民众对政府政策建议的支持并不一定等同于可行性、有效性和相关性。因此,本文研究了在加纳建立其他地区的建议的可行性和相关性,并提出了政策建议,以使政策制定者重新关注农村发展的关键挑战和障碍,以及如何有效地解决这些挑战和障碍。
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引用次数: 6
The Future is Uncertain for the Mono Party China-pluralized Africa Economic Relations: A Critical Analysis of Chinese Economic Strategies in Zambia and Tanzania 一党制中国-多元化非洲经济关系的未来不确定——对中国在赞比亚和坦桑尼亚经济战略的批判性分析
Pub Date : 2018-03-22 DOI: 10.4172/2332-0761.1000322
Basebya Ka
With pluralized democracies in Africa and the authoritarian mono-party China’s propensity of aligning, making friendships and bilateral agreements with ruling political parties, elites and government regardless public contentment and engagement, the likeliness of rebellions and diverting resentments on Chinese investments is high. This article answer the question on how the authoritarian China where the Communist Party and government affairs are largely inseparable manages to push and secure investments in pluralized and frail democracies in both Tanzania and Zambia while keeping ties with ruling political parties at the same time disengage with other civil voices and undermines corporate citizenship. The article analyzes China’s adaption to win and secure investments and the misplays evolve such as Confucianism crushes with pluralism democracies, party to party outreach whilst sidelines other political actors, maltreatment of media/PR/CSRs, profit maximization at the expense of humanity and Beijing loosening control and monitoring of overseas Chinese enterprises that have distorted China’s image and turn into battle field for pluralized and populism politics. Based on interviews from 26 respondents who were purposively and snow balling sampled and 73 extensive secondary resources, the article concludes that there is uncertain to the future of the authoritarian mono-party China’s economic presence in pluralized Africa and suggests the need for laying new foundations and approaches to advance Chinese political-economic relations with Zambia, Tanzania and Africa in general.
由于非洲的多元民主和专制的一党专政,中国倾向于与执政政党、精英和政府结盟,建立友谊和双边协议,而不考虑公众的满意度和参与度,因此发生叛乱和转移对中国投资的不满的可能性很高。这篇文章回答了这样一个问题:共产党和政府事务在很大程度上是不可分割的,专制的中国如何设法推动和确保对坦桑尼亚和赞比亚多元化和脆弱的民主国家的投资,同时与执政政党保持联系,同时与其他公民声音脱节,破坏企业公民意识。本文分析了中国对赢得和确保投资的适应以及诸如儒家思想与多元民主的粉碎,政党对政党的宣传同时边缘化其他政治行为者,虐待媒体/公关/ csr,以牺牲人性为代价的利润最大化以及北京放松对海外中国企业的控制和监控等错误演变,这些企业扭曲了中国的形象,成为多元化和民粹主义政治的战场。基于对26名受访者的采访,这些受访者是有目的和雪球抽样的,以及73个广泛的二手资源,文章得出结论,专制的一党专政的中国在多元化的非洲的经济存在的未来是不确定的,并建议需要奠定新的基础和方法来推进中国与赞比亚、坦桑尼亚和整个非洲的政治经济关系。
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引用次数: 0
The Road to Impeachment: Donald Trump 弹劾之路:唐纳德·特朗普
Pub Date : 2018-03-03 DOI: 10.4172/2332-0761.1000318
Blount Cd
Purpose: Comparing Trump’s presidency with that of the presidents before him who were impeached and evaluating his prospects of impeachment. Methodology: Databases such as EBSCOhost, Google Scholar, and ProQuest were used for conducting the literature review regarding the United States political climate. Findings: There are similarities in the leadership of Trump and other impeached presidents. For instance, both President Andrew Johnson and Bill Clinton were impeached due to allegations of obstruction of justice and perjury, which Trump is also accused of. Due to the racial discrimination against blacks, the misappropriation of power, and the degrading of females by Trump, among others, the president has a high probability of being impeached. Implications: The issues faced by the United States republic over several years have led to the current status of the country’s socio-political and economic destabilization. For instance, racial discrimination of people of color by Trump has resulted in their alienation from matters regarding economic development.
目的:将特朗普的总统任期与之前被弹劾的总统任期进行比较,并评估他被弹劾的前景。方法:使用EBSCOhost、Google Scholar和ProQuest等数据库进行有关美国政治气候的文献综述。调查结果:特朗普和其他被弹劾总统的领导有相似之处。例如,安德鲁·约翰逊总统和比尔·克林顿总统都因妨碍司法和作伪证的指控而被弹劾,特朗普也被指控。由于特朗普对黑人的种族歧视、滥用权力、贬低女性等,他被弹劾的可能性很大。含义:美国共和国几年来面临的问题导致了该国目前的社会政治和经济不稳定状况。例如,特朗普对有色人种的种族歧视导致他们对经济发展问题的疏远。
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引用次数: 0
Diplomatic Summits: A Constructive Means of Conducting International Relations? 外交峰会:处理国际关系的建设性手段?
Pub Date : 2018-02-08 DOI: 10.4172/2332-0761.1000314
Obinna Cl
Diplomatic summits have existed since the advent of political organization. However, the proliferation of “high level political leadership” in diplomatic dialogue is one that has changed theory and practice forever. Consequently, the scale of the term “Summitry” has become an established part of the machinery for political interactions among states in the twentieth century. Not only has it become customary, but the parlance associated with these conferences have entrenched themselves in colloquial conversations [1]. In recent times, a large percentage of time is devoted to “large gatherings of political and logistical complexity” to raise a host of issues and outline the framework for resolutions [2]. By its very nature this is a task that is fraught with adversity and benefits.
自从政治组织出现以来,外交首脑会议就一直存在。然而,“高层政治领导”在外交对话中的扩散已经永远改变了理论和实践。因此,“首脑会议”一词的范围已成为20世纪国家间政治互动机制的既定组成部分。它不仅已成为惯例,而且与这些会议有关的说法也已在口语对话中根深蒂固。最近,很大一部分时间用于“政治和后勤复杂的大型集会”,以提出一系列问题并概述决议框架。就其本质而言,这是一项充满逆境和利益的任务。
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引用次数: 0
Exploring the Link between the Use of Facebook and Political Participation among Youth in Pakistan 探索巴基斯坦青年使用脸书与政治参与之间的关系
Pub Date : 2018-02-08 DOI: 10.4172/2332-0761.1000315
S. Masiha, U. Habiba, Zain Abbas, M. Saud, S. Ariadi
Use of Facebook engages people in online debates. Online political participation becomes a precursor for offline political participation. The study aimed to explore the link between the use of Facebook and political participation among youths in Pakistan. Quantitative data gathered by means of online structured questionnaire was analyzed using the software statistical package for social sciences. Use of Facebook was measured with No. of Facebook accounts, duration of Facebook Account (in years), Time spent (hr) weekly on Facebook, total number of friends and close friends on Facebook while political participation was measured by knowing the ways of participating in online and offline political activities. Use of Facebook was independent variable and political participation was dependent variable. The study concluded that people youth shared more the policy of a particular party on their Facebook timeline than posting pictures about political issues on their profile page. There is a significant correlation was found between use of Facebook and political participation. Usage of Facebook by duration of usage of Facebook, average time spending on Facebook weekly, total numbers of friends on Facebook and close friends on Facebook may increase the political participation among youth and this political participation will lead to open and operation democratic process.
使用Facebook让人们参与在线辩论。线上政治参与成为线下政治参与的先导。这项研究旨在探索巴基斯坦年轻人使用Facebook与政治参与之间的联系。通过在线结构化问卷收集定量数据,使用社会科学统计软件包进行分析。Facebook的使用情况以No. 1衡量。Facebook账户的数量,Facebook账户的持续时间(年),每周在Facebook上花费的时间(小时),Facebook上的朋友和亲密朋友的总数,而政治参与是通过了解参与在线和离线政治活动的方式来衡量的。使用Facebook为自变量,政治参与为因变量。研究得出的结论是,年轻人更多地在Facebook时间轴上分享特定政党的政策,而不是在个人资料页面上发布有关政治问题的照片。使用Facebook与政治参与之间存在显著的相关性。使用Facebook的时间长短、每周平均在Facebook上花费的时间、Facebook上的好友总数和好友总数可能会增加年轻人的政治参与,这种政治参与将导致民主进程的开放和运作。
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引用次数: 18
The Watergate Scandal and Its Aftermath 水门事件及其后果
Pub Date : 2017-11-03 DOI: 10.4172/2332-0761.1000301
K. Chouinard
In the early 1970’s, the Watergate scandal involving President Richard Nixon made headlines nationwide, but did he have anything to do with the break in at the Democratic National Committee? Even with the lack of evidence tying Nixon to the crime, it is believed he had something to do with the burglary, for why else would he go to great extent to try to cover up and hide the facts. This cover up attempt shows how easily a president may be above some checks and balances at times, and because of this scandal, many new legislature bills have been passed after Nixon’s resignation to prevent such abuses of power from happening again. This article discusses not only the facts of the case, leading me to believe in his guilt, but also the consequences of President Nixon’s actions and how the public viewed our governmental policies afterwards.
20世纪70年代初,涉及理查德·尼克松总统的水门事件成为全国的头条新闻,但他与民主党全国委员会的闯入有什么关系吗?即使没有证据将尼克松与犯罪联系起来,人们也相信他与入室盗窃有关,否则他为什么要在很大程度上试图掩盖和隐藏事实。这种掩盖的企图表明,总统有时是多么容易凌驾于某些制衡之上,由于这一丑闻,尼克松辞职后通过了许多新的立法法案,以防止这种滥用权力的行为再次发生。这篇文章不仅讨论了案件的事实,使我相信他有罪,而且还讨论了尼克松总统行为的后果以及公众如何看待我们的政府政策。
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引用次数: 0
Resurgence of Militancy in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria 尼日利亚尼日尔三角洲地区武装活动死灰复燃
Pub Date : 2017-10-18 DOI: 10.4172/2332-0761.1000298
D. Moses, Olaniyi At
The resurgence of militancy in the Niger Delta has reached a seemingly high level, which has contributed to the crumbling economy of Nigeria, as there series of attacks on oil facilities have reduced the barrel production of crude oil per day in the region, which pose an imminent threat with the ongoing recession in the country. The identified reasons have been the cutbacks on the amnesty arrangements, the environmental degradation and continuous deprivation of the oil rich regions from the proceeds of the oil derived from their region and demand for ownership of the region by residents. This work however, through the means of empirical study pinpoints the several reasons for the resurgence of militancy in the Niger Delta region, and the viability of the group’s bluff in crippling the Nigerian economy, if the ongoing situation is not controlled. Both primary and secondary data was collected for the purpose of clarity and specificity in this research. 300 copies of questionnaires were administered, journal articles, book, newspaper and internet sources were used in collection of data The study recommends some viable solutions, such as giving more credit to the importance of Niger Delta region, developmental projects that are supervised by stakeholders and disinterested organizations in the regions.
尼日尔三角洲地区武装分子的复苏似乎已经达到了一个很高的水平,这导致了尼日利亚经济的崩溃,因为对石油设施的一系列袭击减少了该地区每天的原油产量,这对该国持续的经济衰退构成了迫在眉睫的威胁。所查明的原因是:大赦安排的削减、环境的退化和石油富庶地区不断被剥夺从其地区开采石油的收益,以及居民要求拥有该地区的所有权。然而,这项工作通过实证研究的手段,指出了尼日尔三角洲地区武装分子死灰复燃的几个原因,以及如果目前的局势得不到控制,该组织虚张声势削弱尼日利亚经济的可行性。为了清晰和特异性,本研究收集了主要和次要数据。该研究建议了一些可行的解决方案,例如给予尼日尔三角洲地区的重要性更多的信任,由该地区的利益相关者和无私组织监督的发展项目。
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引用次数: 2
Identifying the Influence Factors on the Intention to Vote among Youths in Rural Areas 农村青少年投票意向的影响因素分析
Pub Date : 2017-10-11 DOI: 10.4172/2332-0761.1000292
Esa Nb, Hashim Rb
Ever since the new millennium, registration rates and voter turnouts for the general elections among Malaysian youths between the age range of 21 and 22 years have been low and dismaying, particularly so in non-urban locations. With the number of youths forming a significant percentage of Malaysia’s population, targeting eligible youths for the various political parties is imperative in winning the elections. Furthermore, youth participation and engagement in national politics have been impactful in the direction and development of Malaysia’s government and administration. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to identify the influence factors on the intention to vote in the next general election among youths in rural areas. The study was conducted using a quantitative design, crosssectional survey. The unit of analysis was identified through stratified sampling technique. From a sample size of 400 (n=400), the returned rate was 370 or 92.5%. The findings revealed that there was a significant relationship between the factors of youth’s to vote in the next general election based on four variables; awareness, persuading method, spatial representation, and political vote choice. The regression analysis ranked awareness as the most influential factor in the youths’ intentions to vote. The study also found that the moderating role of gender is the most significant factor among the four influence factors. The findings suggest that the rural youths’ intentions to vote in the next general election would be intensified if regular promotions are done to enhance awareness. Therefore, the relevant stakeholders should take note of this when campaigning for their party. Aside from that, the findings provide additional literature to the body of knowledge on the political inclination of the younger generation.
自新千年以来,马来西亚21至22岁青年的大选登记率和投票率一直很低,令人沮丧,尤其是在非城市地区。由于青年人数在马来西亚人口中占很大比例,为了赢得选举,必须把符合条件的青年作为各政党的目标。此外,青年对国家政治的参与对马来西亚政府和行政的方向和发展产生了影响。因此,本研究的目的是找出影响农村青年下次大选投票意愿的因素。本研究采用定量设计,横断面调查。通过分层抽样技术确定了分析单元。在400个样本量(n=400)中,回收率为370或92.5%。研究发现,影响青年在下届大选中投票的四个因素之间存在显著的关系;意识、说服方法、空间表征与政治投票选择。回归分析认为,意识是影响年轻人投票意向的最重要因素。研究还发现,在四个影响因素中,性别的调节作用最为显著。调查结果表明,如果定期进行宣传,提高农村青年的意识,将会加强他们在下届议会选举中的投票意愿。因此,相关利益相关者在为自己的政党竞选时应该注意到这一点。除此之外,这些发现为年轻一代的政治倾向的知识体系提供了额外的文献。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Journal of Political Sciences & Public Affairs
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