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Global and Regional Implications of Sino-Indian Rivalry: A Focus on the Strategic and Economic Dimensions 中印竞争的全球和区域影响:战略和经济层面的关注
Pub Date : 2022-12-20 DOI: 10.55875/jbga.bd.dec22.003
Saddam Hosen
The paper makes an effort to answer two key questions. To begin, what strategic and economic implications does the Sino-Indian conflict have? Second, what are the global and regional trends in Sino-India conflict in the future? Even though there is a lot of literature on Sino-Indian ties and conflict, there’s much less academic concentration on the implications of Sino-Indian conflict, especially in the hard power dimension. The paper observes that in international and regional affairs, the Sino-Indian competition is not a new phenomenon. The dispute between India and China has posed significant geostrategic challenges to regional peace and security in Asia in recent years. The paper further points out that the geopolitical rivalry between India and China would likely enhance China's naval presence in the Indian Ocean region to challenge India and its western allies. In terms of the economic dimension, India and its western allies, such as the United States and Japan, can develop new supply chains in IOR in order to diminish China's reliance. It argues that while the future of the Sino-Indian conflict may bring great competition rather than cooperation, the reality of the economic system and transnational developments may enable India and China to expand their economic collaboration.
本文试图回答两个关键问题。首先,中印冲突的战略和经济影响是什么?第二,未来中印冲突的全球和地区趋势是什么?尽管有很多关于中印关系和冲突的文献,但对中印冲突影响的学术关注要少得多,尤其是在硬实力方面。文章认为,在国际和地区事务中,中印竞争并不是一个新现象。近年来,印度和中国之间的争端对亚洲地区的和平与安全构成了重大的地缘战略挑战。该报告进一步指出,印度和中国之间的地缘政治竞争可能会增强中国海军在印度洋地区的存在,以挑战印度及其西方盟友。就经济层面而言,印度及其西方盟友,如美国和日本,可以在印度洋地区发展新的供应链,以减少中国的依赖。文章认为,虽然中印冲突的未来可能带来巨大的竞争而不是合作,但经济体系和跨国发展的现实可能使印度和中国能够扩大经济合作。
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引用次数: 0
Bangladesh: From a Climate Victim to the Climate Leader 孟加拉国:从气候受害者到气候领导者
Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI: 10.55875/jbga.bd.may22.005
Syed Ashikur Rhaman
Bangladesh has registered a great success in global climate diplomacy by abandoning its passivity and dependence syndrome as a climate victim. What criteria did Bangladesh fulfil to reckon with as a climate leader? Is such iteration self-proclaimed rhetoric, or can it be supported by theoretical and empirical findings? This article investigates these questions by adopting a leadership framework and scrutinizing Bangladesh's role in climate change adaptation, mitigation, negotiation, and knowledge creation. This article reveals that Bangladesh is now acting as an emerging climate leader in the global climate arena. Bangladesh provides unilateral leadership in climate issues through establishing 'good examples' in inspiring others to follow the pathway by drafting multiple domestic climate policies such as the National Adaptation Program of Action (NAPA), Climate Change Trust Fund, Mujib Climate Prosperity Plan, etc. In addition, Bangladesh assists other climate-vulnerable countries by sharing ideas, knowledge, practice and invention in climate change adaptation, mitigation, and resilience and acts as an intellectual leader. Finally, in climate change negotiations, Bangladesh performs as a problem-solving leader on behalf of the Least Developed Countries. Bangladesh's image as a robust actor with a timely response to climate issues turns it into a legitimate voice on global platforms. Therefore, this article concludes that calling Bangladesh a climate leader is not rhetoric as it shows robust performance in several leadership modes to solve this global collective action problem.
孟加拉国放弃了作为气候受害者的被动和依赖综合症,在全球气候外交中取得了巨大成功。作为气候领袖,孟加拉国达到了什么标准?这种重复是自诩的修辞,还是能得到理论和实证研究结果的支持?本文通过采用领导力框架和审视孟加拉国在气候变化适应、减缓、谈判和知识创造方面的作用来调查这些问题。这篇文章揭示了孟加拉国现在正在全球气候舞台上扮演一个新兴的气候领导者。孟加拉国通过制定国家适应行动计划(NAPA)、气候变化信托基金、穆吉布气候繁荣计划等多项国内气候政策,树立“好榜样”,激励其他国家遵循这条道路,在气候问题上发挥单边领导作用。此外,孟加拉国通过分享在气候变化适应、减缓和复原力方面的想法、知识、实践和发明,帮助其他易受气候影响的国家,并发挥智力领袖的作用。最后,在气候变化谈判中,孟加拉国代表最不发达国家发挥解决问题的领导作用。孟加拉国作为一个及时应对气候问题的强有力参与者的形象,使其在全球平台上发出了合法的声音。因此,本文的结论是,称孟加拉国为气候领袖并不是夸夸其谈,因为它在解决这一全球集体行动问题的几种领导模式中表现出强劲的表现。
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引用次数: 0
Bangladesh-China Relations: From War-time Hostility to Strategic Partnership 孟中关系:从战时敌对到战略伙伴关系
Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI: 10.55875/jbga.bd.may22.007
S. K. Datta
This study asserts that ties between Bangladesh and China have evolved from a state of wartime hostility to a strategic partnership. The political, economic, and military links between Bangladesh and China have been excellent for both countries over the last two decades. The people of these two countries have a long history of friendship and cooperation that dates back hundreds of years. Since Bangladesh and China established diplomatic relations in the mid-1970s, the two nations' connections have only strengthened and expanded. China has signed many agreements with Bangladesh as a development partner, ranging from agriculture to trade, infrastructure, energy, science and technology, and military cooperation. This paper argues that Sino-Indian rival relations and other external factors have transformed Bangladesh-China relations from 1971 to 2022.
这项研究断言,孟加拉国和中国之间的关系已经从战时敌对状态演变为战略伙伴关系。在过去的二十年里,孟加拉国和中国之间的政治、经济和军事联系对两国来说都是非常好的。两国人民友好合作源远流长,源远流长,源远流长。孟加拉国和中国自上世纪70年代中期建立外交关系以来,两国关系不断加强和扩大。作为发展伙伴,中国与孟加拉国签署了许多协议,涉及农业、贸易、基础设施、能源、科技和军事合作等领域。本文认为,从1971年到2022年,中印竞争关系和其他外部因素改变了孟中关系。
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引用次数: 0
The Five Decades of Making, Unmaking and Remaking of Bangladesh Foreign Policy 五十年来孟加拉国外交政策的制定、取消和重塑
Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI: 10.55875/jbga.bd.may22.001
D. Hossain, M. Islam
This paper tries to understand the five decades of Bangladesh foreign policy by looking at three phases, i.e. making, unmaking and remaking period. From an international basket case, Bangladesh is now a ‘development miracle’, a ‘role model of development’ to many. Behind such success of Bangladesh in the last fifty years, the foreign policy of the country played a crucial role. The paper argues that though there was a promising beginning for Bangladesh foreign policy under the Bangabandhu regime, in the unmaking period of Bangladesh foreign policy under the military and BNP regime, Bangladesh largely failed in shaping a proactive and visionary foreign policy. However, in the remaking period of Bangladesh foreign policy under the Awami League regime, Bangladesh succeeded in formulating a proactive foreign policy due to the visionary leadership of Sheikh Hasina. Thus, the paper suggests that Bangladesh needs to continue the current foreign policy priorities of the Sheikh Hasina government, focusing on economic diplomacy
本文试图从制定、取消和重塑三个阶段来理解孟加拉国50年的外交政策。从一个国际上的废柴,孟加拉国现在是一个“发展奇迹”,是许多人眼中的“发展榜样”。在孟加拉国过去50年的成功背后,该国的外交政策发挥了至关重要的作用。本文认为,尽管孟加拉国外交政策在班班杜政权下有一个充满希望的开端,但在军事和BNP政权下孟加拉国外交政策的解体时期,孟加拉国在很大程度上未能形成积极和有远见的外交政策。然而,在人民联盟政权下孟加拉国外交政策的重塑时期,由于谢赫·哈西娜富有远见的领导,孟加拉国成功地制定了积极主动的外交政策。因此,本文建议孟加拉国需要继续目前谢赫·哈西娜政府的外交政策重点,重点放在经济外交上
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引用次数: 0
Bangladesh-India Relations: Fifty Years of Friendship and Partnership 孟加拉国和印度关系:50年的友谊和伙伴关系
Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI: 10.55875/jbga.bd.may22.006
M. Islam
How can one understand the narratives on Bangladesh-India relations over the last 50 years? What are the key issues in Bangladesh-India ties? How can Bangladesh-India ties be deepened further in the next fifty years or beyond? This paper investigates these questions. It argues that though Bangladesh and India have experienced ups and downs in the post-1975 era, under Sheikh Hasina regime (2009-present), a golden chapter has been scripted in their bilateral ties. The paper argues that Bangladesh and India need each other for their mutual interest. Thus it is suggested that strengthening and widening the existing development partnership and people to people contacts becomes essential for the benefit of the people of these two countries and beyond.
人们如何理解过去50年来孟加拉国与印度关系的叙述?孟印关系的关键问题是什么?在未来50年或更长的时间里,孟印关系如何进一步深化?本文对这些问题进行了研究。文章认为,尽管1975年后,在谢赫•哈西娜(Sheikh Hasina)政权(2009年至今)的统治下,孟加拉国和印度经历了起起伏伏,但两国双边关系已经书写了一个黄金篇章。文章认为,孟加拉国和印度为了共同利益需要彼此。因此,我建议加强和扩大现有的发展伙伴关系和民间交流,这对两国人民和世界人民的利益至关重要。
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引用次数: 1
Bangladesh in the Outer-space: Space Diplomacy, Techno-nationalism, and Economic Strength 外太空中的孟加拉国:空间外交、技术民族主义和经济实力
Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI: 10.55875/jbga.bd.may22.010
F. Sharmin
Bangladesh is a rising regional power in South Asia and expects to become a middle-income state by 2026 and a high-income state by 2041. As the fastest growing economy, the country focuses more on technological development at present. Although it's a massive challenge for any developing country with no indigenous technology to become a space-faring nation, Bangladesh's vision is very much coming from its recent economic growth. At the moment, none of the states can deny the importance of space technology for economic development, preserving national interest and security. But the deficiency in technological knowledge, skilled resource, innovation or geopolitical constraints, and global and regional geopolitical rivalries which extends to outer space are the key challenges for any country in attaining outer space goals. So, the present study investigates how Bangladesh's inclusion in the club of satellite communication created a new urgency to strengthen space diplomacy? In this context, the paper examines the linkages between space diplomacy, techno-nationalism, and the economic strength of Bangladesh. Furthermore, the present study also addresses the global and regional aspects of outer space politics and explorations. How it affects Bangladesh, how Bangladesh joining the space club opens a new dimension in its foreign policy affairs, and how space technology becomes a hope for Bangladesh to strengthen its economy and achieve sustainable development goals. The study is exploratory in nature based on secondary data. The study concludes that Bangladesh needs internal and external initiatives and policies and firm diplomacy to fulfil its space ambition.
孟加拉国是南亚正在崛起的地区大国,预计到2026年将成为中等收入国家,到2041年将成为高收入国家。作为世界上增长最快的经济体,中国目前更加注重科技发展。尽管对于任何一个没有自主技术的发展中国家来说,成为一个航天国家都是一个巨大的挑战,但孟加拉国的愿景很大程度上来自其最近的经济增长。目前,任何国家都不能否认空间技术对经济发展、维护国家利益和安全的重要性。但是,技术知识、熟练资源、创新或地缘政治限制的缺乏以及延伸到外层空间的全球和区域地缘政治竞争是任何国家实现外层空间目标的主要挑战。因此,本研究调查了孟加拉国加入卫星通信俱乐部如何为加强空间外交创造了新的紧迫性?在此背景下,本文考察了空间外交、技术民族主义和孟加拉国经济实力之间的联系。此外,本研究还涉及外层空间政治和探索的全球和区域方面。它如何影响孟加拉国,孟加拉国加入空间俱乐部如何在其外交政策事务中开辟一个新的层面,以及空间技术如何成为孟加拉国加强其经济和实现可持续发展目标的希望。本研究是基于二手数据的探索性研究。该研究的结论是,孟加拉国需要内部和外部的倡议和政策以及坚定的外交来实现其空间野心。
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引用次数: 0
Bangladesh in the United Nations Peace Operations: Maintaining Sustained Engagement within the Space of Contestation 孟加拉国参与联合国和平行动:在争端空间内保持持续接触
Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI: 10.55875/jbga.bd.may22.004
N. Biswas
Since 1988 Bangladesh has been one of the highest troop and police-contributing countries (T&PCC) to United Nations Peace operations (UNPO). Over the years, Bangladesh’s armed forces and police had not only carved out space for them as a top T&PCC but also earned a name for itself as a dependable force that delivered the tasks assigned to it. Despite this being a learning experience for the country’s security institutions, Bangladesh has experienced various challenges in missions due to different factors. For example, there are significant transformations in the nature of conflict and mandates of peacekeeping operations, requiring T&PCCs to be prepared for future participation in such missions. Against this backdrop, this paper examines the trends of Bangladeshi peacekeepers to understand their involvement in peace missions and their capacity to address the challenges of contemporary tasks. It also investigates capacity-building issues, skill enhancement, and increasing competency of Bangladeshi peacekeepers. This paper argues Bangladesh needs to comprehend the changing scenario and enhance the capacity of troops and police peacekeepers by undertaking appropriate measures, including tapping into the experience of its returning peacekeepers. Otherwise, the sustainability of Bangladesh’s participation in UN peace support deployments may face severe stress and become problematic.
自1988年以来,孟加拉国一直是向联合国和平行动提供最多部队和警察的国家之一。多年来,孟加拉国的武装部队和警察不仅为他们开辟了一个顶级T&PCC的空间,而且还为自己赢得了一个可靠的名字,因为它可以完成分配给它的任务。尽管这是该国安全机构的一个学习经验,但由于不同的因素,孟加拉国在特派团中遇到了各种挑战。例如,冲突的性质和维持和平行动的任务发生了重大变化,要求维和部队为今后参与此类任务做好准备。在此背景下,本文考察了孟加拉国维和人员的趋势,以了解他们参与和平任务的情况及其应对当代任务挑战的能力。它还调查了能力建设问题、技能提高和孟加拉国维和人员能力的提高。本文认为,孟加拉国需要了解不断变化的情况,并通过采取适当措施,包括利用其返回的维和人员的经验,提高部队和警察维和人员的能力。否则,孟加拉国参与联合国和平支持部署的可持续性可能面临严重压力并成为问题。
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引用次数: 0
Bridging Two Asias: Bangladesh’s Diplomacy of Regional Cooperation and Bilateral Engagements 连接两个亚洲:孟加拉国的区域合作外交和双边接触
Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI: 10.55875/jbga.bd.may22.009
M. Nesa
Bangladesh's geographical location between South and Southeast Asia gives it a unique potential to act as a crossroad between the two Asian continents. As a result, Bangladesh may be able to construct a free trade zone, which would need closer links between Bangladesh and all SAARC and ASEAN countries. Bangladesh is also attempting to retain its socio-economic standing, conducive to a seamless transition to middle-income countries, through participating in regional efforts and bilateral engagement with SAARC and ASEAN countries. Even if Bangladesh's business contacts with SAARC countries have increased in recent years, trade relations with ASEAN countries have favored them principally. Furthermore, most SAARC nations have not eradicated non-tariff trade barriers. Additionally, the lengthy processes of establishing free trade agreements with ASEAN countries, becoming an ASEAN Secretarial Dialogue Partner, and complex relations with Myanmar over the Rohingya repatriation crisis can all be considered barriers to Bangladesh's ambition of becoming a bridge between two Asias.
孟加拉国位于南亚和东南亚之间的地理位置使其具有作为两个亚洲大陆之间的十字路口的独特潜力。因此,孟加拉国可能能够建立一个自由贸易区,这将需要孟加拉国与所有南盟和东盟国家之间建立更密切的联系。孟加拉国还试图通过参与区域努力以及与南盟和东盟国家的双边接触,保持其社会经济地位,有利于向中等收入国家无缝过渡。尽管近年来孟加拉国与南盟国家的商业联系有所增加,但与东盟国家的贸易关系主要有利于孟加拉国。此外,大多数南盟国家还没有消除非关税贸易壁垒。此外,与东盟国家建立自由贸易协定、成为东盟秘书对话伙伴的漫长过程,以及与缅甸在罗兴亚人遣返危机上的复杂关系,都可以被视为孟加拉国成为两个亚洲之间桥梁的雄心的障碍。
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引用次数: 0
Economic Diplomacy of Bangladesh: From the Basket Case to a Middle-Income Country 孟加拉国的经济外交:从赤贫到中等收入国家
Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI: 10.55875/jbga.bd.may22.003
Mahfuz Kabira, M. J. Uddin, Md Rafid Abrar Miah
During the Liberation War of Bangladesh in 1971, the Pakistani military strategically destroyed Bangladesh’s lines of communication and all critical infrastructures. After the war, Bangladesh’s economy was thus in shambles, people were under extreme poverty, and there were new challenges like rapid expansion of population, inadequate reserve, and volatile political environment. That led many to be sceptical about this newly born country’s progress. Bangladesh was termed as a ‘bottomless basket’ and a malevolent ‘test case of development.’ Despite such scepticism, Bangladesh successfully eliminated the ‘international basket case’ tag by making significant improvements in economic and social dimensions. This paper aims to explore the development miracle Bangladesh has achieved over these five decades from the lens of economic diplomacy. Despite having many, authors believe that economic diplomacy has played the most crucial role in its development journey. This study opts for a qualitative approach where available literature and documents are extensively reviewed. This study acknowledges the upcoming challenges Bangladesh will face soon after its graduation and recommends prudent economic diplomatic intervention for continuing its’ prosperity.
在1971年孟加拉国解放战争期间,巴基斯坦军队战略性地摧毁了孟加拉国的交通线和所有关键基础设施。战后,孟加拉国经济一片混乱,人民极度贫困,人口迅速膨胀,储备不足,政治环境不稳定等新的挑战也随之而来。这导致许多人对这个新生国家的进步持怀疑态度。孟加拉国被称为“无底篮子”和恶意的“发展测试案例”。尽管存在这样的怀疑,但孟加拉国通过在经济和社会方面取得重大进展,成功地消除了“国际上的废柴”标签。本文旨在从经济外交的角度探讨孟加拉国在这五十年中所取得的发展奇迹。尽管有很多,但作者认为经济外交在其发展历程中发挥了最关键的作用。本研究选择了一个定性的方法,其中现有的文献和文件进行了广泛的审查。这项研究承认孟加拉国毕业后不久将面临的挑战,并建议谨慎的经济外交干预,以继续其繁荣。
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引用次数: 0
From Cold War to ‘New Cold War’: Bangladesh Foreign Policy vis-à-vis the United States and Russia 从冷战到“新冷战”:孟加拉国对美国和俄罗斯的外交政策-à-vis
Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI: 10.55875/jbga.bd.may22.008
Sheikh Shams Morsalin
The emergence of independent Bangladesh was heavily influenced by the Cold War rivalry between the US and the USSR (succeeded by Russia). With the reemergence of Russia as an assertive power and the rise of economic and infrastructure giant China, both determined to challenge the US dominance, we are indeed living in a 'New Cold War' era. By examining the foreign policy approach of Bangladesh vis-à-vis the US and Russia during the last one decade and so, this paper primarily intends to understand how Bangladesh has been responding to the global power transformation. In this connection, the paper attempts to explore the nature of Bangladesh foreign policy under the present regime of Sheikh Hasina. Based on a comparative analysis of Bangladesh's relationship with respect to the US and Russia across four broader areas, it is found that Bangladesh's 'development first' foreign policy has been successful for the country in maneuvering through 'new Cold War' realities.
独立的孟加拉国的出现在很大程度上受到了美国和苏联之间的冷战竞争(后来由俄罗斯接替)的影响。随着俄罗斯作为一个自信的大国的重新崛起,以及经济和基础设施巨头中国的崛起,都决心挑战美国的主导地位,我们确实生活在一个“新冷战”时代。通过研究孟加拉国在过去十年中对-à-vis美国和俄罗斯的外交政策,本文主要旨在了解孟加拉国如何应对全球权力转型。在这方面,本文试图探讨谢赫·哈西娜现政权下孟加拉国外交政策的性质。通过对孟加拉国与美国和俄罗斯在四个更广泛领域的关系的比较分析,我们发现孟加拉国的“发展第一”外交政策在应对“新冷战”现实方面取得了成功。
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引用次数: 0
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The Journal of Bangladesh and Global Affairs
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