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The University Unthought最新文献

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Decolonizing the university 去殖民化大学
Pub Date : 2018-08-20 DOI: 10.4324/9780429441974-3
Gurminder K. Bhambra, Kerem Nisancioglu, D. Gebrial
In 2015, students at the University of Cape Town demanded the removal of a statue of Cecil Rhodes, the imperialist, racist business magnate, from their campus. The battle cry '#RhodesMustFall' sparked an international movement calling for the decolonisation of the world's universities. Today, as this movement grows, how will it radically transform the terms upon which universities exist? In this book, students, activists and scholars discuss the possibilities and the pitfalls of doing decolonial work in the home of the coloniser, in the heart of the establishment. Subverting curricula, enforcing diversity, and destroying old boundaries, this is a radical call for a new era of education. Offering resources for students and academics to challenge and resist coloniality inside and outside the classroom, Decolonising the University provides the tools for radical pedagogical, disciplinary and institutional change.
2015年,开普敦大学(University of Cape Town)的学生要求从校园中移除帝国主义、种族主义的商业大亨塞西尔·罗兹(Cecil Rhodes)的雕像。“罗德斯必须下台”的口号引发了一场呼吁世界大学非殖民化的国际运动。今天,随着这一运动的发展,它将如何从根本上改变大学存在的条件?在这本书中,学生、活动家和学者们讨论了在殖民者的家中、在建制派的中心进行非殖民化工作的可能性和陷阱。颠覆课程,加强多样性,打破旧的界限,这是对教育新时代的激进呼吁。为学生和学者在课堂内外挑战和抵制殖民主义提供资源,非殖民化大学为激进的教学,学科和制度变革提供了工具。
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引用次数: 64
Revolutionary critical pedagogy 革命批判教育学
Pub Date : 2010-05-27 DOI: 10.4324/9780429441974-14
Peter McLaren
Revolutionary Critical Pedagogy Since the mid-1990s, the focus of my work has shifted discernibly, if not dramatically, from a preoccupation with poststructuralist analyses of popular culture, in which I attempted to deploy contrapuntally critical pedagogy, neo- Marxist critique and cultural analysis, to a revolutionary Marxist humanist perspective. My focus shifted away from the politics of representation and its affiliative liaison with identity production and turned towards the role of finance capital and the social relations of production. Against a utopian theory of entrepreneurial individuality and agency backed by a voluntarism unburdened by history, I came to see the necessity of transforming the very structures of white supremacist capitalist patriarchy by means of a pedagogical praxis guided by the revolutionary knowledges of historical materialism. In so doing, questions of patriarchal and sexist ideology are connected to their material origins—of social labor—that emphasize the relations between the sexes and how the distribution of labor in capitalist economies have generated the alienating conditions in which men and women relate to themselves and to one another (Ebert & Zavarzadeh, I locate my work within what I take to be the fundamental condition of late modernity—a brutal and systematic extraction of surplus value from proletarianized regions of the world (usually decaying in a climate of bourgeois- comprador nationalism) culminating in a condition of substantive inequality and an egregiously unequal division of labor—a condition that is structurally inescapable under the regime of capital. Through the generalization of exchange- values mediated by the machinations of capital accumulation on a global scale, this regressive situation has spawned alienated lifeworlds festering in the swamp of reification and the commodification of everyday life. Since my shift in focus, I have come to view the assertion of many poststructuralists—that Marxism constitutes a totalizing pressuring of meaning into semiotic foreclosure, placing an overlay of determinism on the free interplay of cultural discourses with their free-floating auto-intelligibilities, their aleatory and indeterminable play of the sign, and turning the jazz of signification into a military march of pre-ordained procrustean meanings—as an exclusion of causality from the domain of history by replacing it with difference and play. In effect, by situating the social as a contingent totality, the avant-garde politics of representation articulated by the poststructuralists become part of a larger ensemble of textual reading practices that obscure the production practices of capitalism (Ebert & Zavarzadeh, 2008). I also had serious problems with what progressive educators were describing as the struggle for democracy in the public sphere because so much of this discourse involved pedagogically fostering a respect for the values of democratic citizenship and appealing to moral sentim
自20世纪90年代中期以来,我的工作重心已经明显地(如果不是戏剧性地)从对流行文化的后结构主义分析的关注转移到革命马克思主义人文主义的观点,在这种观点中,我试图部署对立的批判教育学,新马克思主义批判和文化分析。我的关注点从表征的政治及其与身份生产的从属联系转向了金融资本的作用和生产的社会关系。与不受历史影响的唯意志论所支持的企业家个性和能动性的乌托邦理论相反,我看到了通过一种以历史唯物主义的革命性知识为指导的教学实践来改变白人至上主义资本主义父权制结构的必要性。在这样做的过程中,父权和性别歧视意识形态的问题与它们的物质来源——社会劳动——联系在一起,强调两性之间的关系,以及资本主义经济中劳动的分配如何产生了男性和女性之间以及彼此之间的疏远状态(Ebert和Zavarzadeh,我把我的工作定位于我所认为的晚期现代性的基本条件——从世界上无产阶级化地区残酷而系统地榨取剩余价值(通常在资产阶级-买办民族主义的气候中腐朽),最终导致实质性的不平等和极其不平等的劳动分工——在资本制度下,这种情况在结构上是不可避免的。通过全球范围内资本积累的阴谋所介导的交换价值的普遍化,这种倒退的情况催生了异化的生活世界,在日常生活的物化和商品化的沼泽中溃烂。自从我的关注点转移以来,我开始观察许多后结构主义者的断言——马克思主义构成了对意义的总体压力,使其丧失了符号学的赎回权,在文化话语的自由相互作用上覆盖了一层决定论,这些话语具有自由浮动的自动可解性,它们对符号的随意和不确定的游戏,把意义的爵士乐变成预先设定好的普罗普斯特意义的军事进行曲——以差异和游戏取代因果关系,将因果关系排除在历史领域之外。实际上,通过将社会定位为一个偶然的整体,后结构主义者所阐述的先锋政治代表成为模糊资本主义生产实践的文本阅读实践的更大集合的一部分(Ebert & Zavarzadeh, 2008)。我对进步主义教育家所描述的在公共领域争取民主的斗争也有严重的问题,因为这种论述在教学上涉及到培养对民主公民价值观的尊重,以及诉诸道德情感和批判性推理。
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引用次数: 32
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The University Unthought
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