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Infrastructure Requirements in the Area of Bankruptcy Law 破产法领域的基础设施要求
Pub Date : 2001-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/PFS.2001.0015
C. Wihlborg, S. Gangopadhyay, Qaizar Hussain
Infrastructure requirements have long played an important role in the development debate. Until recently these requirements referred to the need for improvements in roads, railways, electricity supply, telecommunications and the like. Lack of such infrastructure was seen as an important cause of a country's relative poverty. Investments in physical infrastructure seem not to have had the desired growth effects in developing countries, however. The search for the root cause of economic development has led the mainstream of economists to the system of rules for economic activity. The attention to rules and institutions became wide-spread only after the fall of communism, although Nobel prizes had been awarded to Friedrich Hayek and Gunnar Myrdahl in 1974, and Ronald Coase in 1983 for their contributions to institutional and political economics. These prices represented a recognition that institutional and political economics help explain important aspects of the organization of economic activity, but few economists took the additional step to analyze institutional factors as root causes of development and growth. An exception was Douglas North, who received the Nobel prize in 1993 after the fall communism and a renewed interest in institutional economics. This interest was to a large extent sparked by the formerly centrally planned economies' failure to start growing. Economic research began to focus on social institutions in general, and the legal system in particular, defining and securing property rights, enabling trade, and providing incentives for economic activity. Among social institutions the legal system is most directly subject to change, at least with respect to the letter of the law. Thus it is natural that policy-oriented economists would emphasize legal reform to enhance incentives leading to economic growth. Economic growth requires that old activities are phased out to make room for new ones, and that economic resources are reallocated from activities that are no longer profitable. This reallocation can occur within a variety of organizational structures, but the failure of projects and firms must be seen as an inherent aspect of growth process. The Asian crisis and a large number of more or less severe banking crises in a variety of countries during the last decades have led to questions about the ability of economic systems to deal with wide-spread failure of firms. Caprio and Klingebiel (1996) refer to the lack of procedures for banks to settle and recover claims on distressed firms as a cause of lingering and recurring banking crisis in many countries. Krugman (1994) noted before the crisis that investments kept flowing to projects of questionable value in many Asian countries. A mechanism for abandonment of non-profitable projects seemed to be missing. In the Eastern European transition economies state-owned enterprises or formerly state-owned large enterprises producing negative value could not be closed down in an orderly fas
长期以来,基础设施需求在发展辩论中一直扮演着重要角色。直到最近,这些需求还涉及改善公路、铁路、电力供应、电信等方面的需要。缺乏这类基础设施被视为一个国家相对贫穷的一个重要原因。然而,对有形基础设施的投资似乎没有在发展中国家产生预期的增长效果。为了寻找经济发展的根本原因,经济学家的主流转向了经济活动的规则体系。尽管弗里德里希·哈耶克(Friedrich Hayek)和贡纳尔·迈达尔(Gunnar Myrdahl)在1974年获得了诺贝尔奖,罗纳德·科斯(Ronald Coase)在1983年因对制度和政治经济学的贡献而获得了诺贝尔奖,但对规则和制度的关注直到共产主义垮台后才开始广泛传播。这些价格代表了一种认识,即制度和政治经济学有助于解释经济活动组织的重要方面,但很少有经济学家进一步分析制度因素是发展和增长的根本原因。道格拉斯•诺斯(Douglas North)是个例外。1993年,在共产主义倒台、对制度经济学重新产生兴趣之后,他获得了诺贝尔奖。这种兴趣在很大程度上是由以前的中央计划经济未能开始增长所激发的。经济研究开始关注一般的社会制度,特别是法律制度,定义和保护产权,使贸易成为可能,并为经济活动提供激励。在社会制度中,法律制度最容易发生变化,至少在法律条文方面是如此。因此,政策导向的经济学家自然会强调法律改革,以增强促进经济增长的激励。经济增长要求淘汰旧的活动,为新的活动腾出空间,并从不再有利可图的活动中重新分配经济资源。这种重新分配可以发生在各种组织结构中,但项目和公司的失败必须被视为成长过程的固有方面。在过去的几十年里,亚洲金融危机和许多国家或多或少严重的银行危机引发了人们对经济体系处理企业普遍破产的能力的质疑。Caprio和Klingebiel(1996)认为,在许多国家,银行解决和收回对陷入困境的公司的索赔缺乏程序,这是导致银行危机挥之不去和反复出现的原因。克鲁格曼(1994)在危机前指出,在许多亚洲国家,投资不断流向价值可疑的项目。一种放弃非赢利项目的机制似乎缺失了。在东欧转型期经济中,不能有秩序地关闭国有企业或产生负价值的前国有大型企业。法律、程序和法庭能力缺失。几个国家实施了破产法,结果好坏参半,下文将对此进行讨论。虽然亚洲和东欧的破产可能太少,但在90年代初银行业危机之后,瑞典政策辩论中的观点是,有太多可行的公司破产,因此经济衰退变得不必要地严重。这些经验表明,处理破产公司的程序可能会影响经济增长,以及危机的深度和持续时间。这些程序以及所涉及的机构和组织在本文中被视为“破产的基础设施”。讨论的中心是公司破产法和支持该法律的法院系统,但破产基础设施可以被认为是更广泛的,包括或涉及广泛的正式法律和非正式程序。破产的非正式程序与法律一样重要,它们必然涉及作为主要债权人的银行。因此,金融机构的法律法规可以被认为是破产基础设施的一个方面。从银行的角度来看,破产程序只是债务回收的一个方面。债务追讨程序包括担保强制执行,这取决于产权登记和强制执行。除了银行以外的其他利益相关者也会受到公司破产的影响。雇员、客户、供应商、政府,当然还有股东,都可能对公司的资产持有股份和某种形式的索取权。破产本质上意味着与公司部分或全部利益相关者的正式和非正式合同关系必须被破坏。因此,规范利益相关者之间合同关系的各种法律与破产程序相互作用。 虽然破产不是一种刑事犯罪,而且大多数国家已经放弃了债务人监狱,但有关民事欺诈和腐败的刑法对破产程序有影响。最后,个人破产程序甚至可能影响有限责任公司的破产程序,因为债权人可能要求公司所有者提供个人担保。我们不会涵盖“破产相关”基础设施的所有这些方面,但如前所述,我们将重点关注正式和非正式破产程序。破产法将被用作一个术语,既包括破产法,也包括不改变所有权的企业重组的明确法律。因此,破产总是意味着公司作为一个整体或其资产被出售给新的所有者。律师在讨论破产法时往往关注公平和公正,而经济学家则关注经济效率、增长和商业周期波动。Wood(1995)指出,由于法律理论的差异,各国的破产法存在很大差异,但法律理论与经济增长或经济财富之间没有明显的关系。破产无处不在,但实践因法律、非正式程序、有效性和程序的可预测性而异。没有破产并不一定意味着没有破产程序。非正式的锻炼是很常见的,非正式的程序在许多国家都很完善。另一方面,破产法的存在并不一定意味着它对程序有很大影响,在一些国家,程序既不完善,也不可预测。法律传统和文化因素影响着人们对待破产的态度和处理破产的程序。影响正式法律和非正式程序目标的政治因素也因国家和时间而异。对银行体系的政治影响,以及形成强大既得利益集团的公司所有权集中,都可能影响信贷和国家补贴的分配,从而严重破坏破产程序。我们回到这些问题上来。本文在第2节中讨论了破产程序对资源配置效率、经济增长以及危机的深度和持续时间的经济作用。程序的效率将在第3节进一步讨论,其中对事前(在作出财务承诺时)和事后(在破产时)效率进行了区分。第4节的目的是以经济上有意义的方式对程序进行分类。区分债权人导向程序和债务人导向程序是很常见的。从经济学的角度来看,更有趣的是程序是否会导致企业“过度生存”或“过度关闭”。这些区别并不一定是一致的。在第5节中,我们将探讨各国重组法律的巨大差异。第6节介绍了不同国家在重组与关闭、生存与关闭方面法律执行的风格化事实。来自发展中国家的程式化事实指出了执法的重要问题。第6节讨论了执行的两个方面。首先,法律制度在适用现有法律时可能无效。其次,对银行体系的政治影响尤其可能使破产程序变得无关紧要。最强烈的政策含义是指执行。第8节讨论了正式破产程序及其相关基础设施设计的这方面和其他方面。还提出了一个基本问题,即是否需要破产法或为什么需要破产法。
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引用次数: 31
Comment and Discussion 评论与讨论
Pub Date : 2001-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/PFS.2001.0005
M. Goldstein
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引用次数: 0
The Importance of Emerging Capital Markets 新兴资本市场的重要性
Pub Date : 2001-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/PFS.2001.0011
Richard M. Levich
cies has turned the so-called lesser-developed countries into emerging markets. In 1982 the thirty-two developing-country stock markets surveyed by the International Finance Corporation (IFC) had a market capitalization of $67 billion, representing about 2.5 percent of world market capitalization. By the end of 1999, the IFC had identified eighty-one emerging stock markets with total market capitalization exceeding $3 trillion, or 8.5 percent of world equity market capitalization. In 1999 the value of outstanding domestic debt securities trading in emerging markets exceeded $1.4 trillion, representing 4.7 percent of the global bond market and a several-fold increase over the total twenty years earlier. However, bank lending to emerging markets in 1999 totaled only $783.7 billion (12 percent of consolidated international claims of banks reporting to the Bank for International Settlements), a relatively small increase over the $517.6 billion (37 percent of the total) in claims held by banks in 1980. Many forces underlie these broad trends. The debt crisis of the early 1980s cooled bankers’ appetite for sovereign loans to developing nations. The financial crises in the second half of the 1990s (Mexico in 1995, Asia in 1997, and Russia in 1998, along with other hot spots) brought a fresh reminder of the perils of cross-border lending. In contrast, public financial markets for equity and debt securities were encouraged by marketoriented policies to permit private ownership of economic activities,
Cies已经把所谓的欠发达国家变成了新兴市场。1982年,国际金融公司(IFC)调查的32个发展中国家股票市场的市值为670亿美元,约占世界市值的2.5%。到1999年底,国际金融公司已经确定了81个总市值超过3万亿美元的新兴股票市场,占世界股票市值的8.5%。1999年,新兴市场未偿国内债务证券交易的价值超过1.4万亿美元,占全球债券市场的4.7%,比20年前的总额增加了几倍。然而,1999年银行对新兴市场的贷款总额仅为7837亿美元(占向国际清算银行报告的银行国际债权总额的12%),与1980年银行持有的5176亿美元(占总债权总额的37%)相比,增幅相对较小。许多力量构成了这些大趋势的基础。上世纪80年代初的债务危机冷却了银行家对向发展中国家提供主权贷款的兴趣。20世纪90年代后半期的金融危机(1995年的墨西哥,1997年的亚洲,1998年的俄罗斯,以及其他热点地区)再次提醒人们注意跨境贷款的危险。相反,面向市场的政策鼓励股票和债务证券的公共金融市场,允许经济活动的私人所有权;
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引用次数: 31
Comment and Discussion 评论与讨论
Pub Date : 2001-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/PFS.2001.0010
C. Leuz
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引用次数: 16
Relevance and Need for International Regulatory Standards 国际监管标准的相关性和必要性
Pub Date : 2001-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/PFS.2001.0007
E. Kane
informational networks makes strategic complementarities commonplace. These complementarities mean that coordinating the actions of competing institutions can manifestly increase their aggregate marginal return. However, increased coordination may or may not improve social welfare. Cooperative behavior can improve the industry’s marginal return in two very different ways: (1) by increasing the perceived quality of regulatee products by enhancing at low cost the confidence and convenience they offer to consumers or (2) by fostering cartel or subsidy arrangements that increase industry revenues at the expense of the welfare of parties in other sectors of the economy. Regulators cut through and reorient individual-producer preferences by adopting tandem strategies of rulemaking and enforcement. Their modus operandi is not to brutally force each regulatee to obey their dictates, but to restructure regulatees’ incentives in hopes of making compliance in their best interests. Cutting away pieces of others’ incentives is a delicate art that inevitably produces both predicted and unpredicted effects. Whether one is prepared to view all allegedly unpredicted effects as truly unintended depends on one’s theory of the regulatory process. Public interest theory views a nation’s regulators as faithful agents for society that single-mindedly pursue the common good. In this theory’s ideal world, financial regulators seek to
信息网络使战略互补成为常态。这种互补性意味着协调竞争机构的行动可以明显地增加它们的总边际收益。然而,加强协调可能会也可能不会改善社会福利。合作行为可以通过两种截然不同的方式提高行业的边际收益:(1)通过以低成本增强消费者的信心和便利来提高受监管产品的感知质量;(2)通过促进卡特尔或补贴安排,以牺牲其他经济部门各方的福利为代价来增加行业收入。监管机构通过采取规则制定和执行的串联策略,突破并重新调整个人生产者的偏好。他们的做法不是残酷地强迫每一个被监管者服从他们的命令,而是重组被监管者的激励机制,希望他们的服从符合他们的最大利益。削减他人的激励是一门微妙的艺术,不可避免地会产生可预测和不可预测的影响。一个人是否准备好将所有据称不可预测的影响视为真正无意的影响,取决于他对监管过程的理论。公共利益理论认为,一个国家的监管者是一心一意追求共同利益的社会忠实代理人。在这一理论的理想世界中,金融监管机构寻求
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引用次数: 13
Comment and Discussion 评论与讨论
Pub Date : 2001-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/PFS.2001.0009
Jenny Lanjouw
{"title":"Comment and Discussion","authors":"Jenny Lanjouw","doi":"10.1353/PFS.2001.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/PFS.2001.0009","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":124672,"journal":{"name":"Brookings-Wharton Papers on Financial Services","volume":"117 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2001-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131781933","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Regulatory Infrastructure Covering Financial Markets 覆盖金融市场的监管基础设施
Pub Date : 2001-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/PFS.2001.0001
Reena Aggarwal
and development of any country. Raising capital and allocating financial resources efficiently are an integral part of economic development. It is now well established that securities markets are not casinos; rather they are essential for the growth and development of a country. Recent literature documents the direct linkage between capital market development and economic growth. It also documents the essential role of capital markets in improving corporate governance, disclosure standards, transparency in the marketplace, and accounting standards. The optimal amount of transparency and regulation leads to market credibility and results in market growth. A sound regulatory framework is the cornerstone of vibrant financial markets, but global competition is the force that is driving innovation in the markets. The creation of a global financial system has made the risks of contagion and systemic failure much more likely. The impact of the Asian crisis
和任何国家的发展。有效筹集资金和配置金融资源是经济发展的重要组成部分。如今,人们普遍认为,证券市场不是赌场;相反,它们对一个国家的增长和发展至关重要。最近的文献记录了资本市场发展与经济增长之间的直接联系。报告还记录了资本市场在改善公司治理、披露标准、市场透明度和会计准则方面的重要作用。最优的透明度和监管会带来市场信誉,并导致市场增长。健全的监管框架是充满活力的金融市场的基石,但全球竞争是推动市场创新的力量。全球金融体系的建立,加大了危机蔓延和系统性崩溃的可能性。亚洲金融危机的影响
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引用次数: 8
Infrastructure Requirements for an Economically Efficient System of Public Financial Reporting and Disclosure 经济有效的公共财务报告和披露制度的基础设施要求
Pub Date : 2001-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/PFS.2001.0002
R. Ball
an economically efficient system of public financial reporting (audited accounting information) and disclosure (non-accounting information). Financial reporting and disclosure are complementary means of ameliorating information asymmetry between managers and parties contracting with their firm, including shareholders, lenders, suppliers, customers, and employees. The efficiency of a country’s financial reporting and disclosure system therefore is crucial to its development of economically efficient public corporations and public securities markets as well as to the development of its economy. A skeptical view of making sudden changes to reporting and disclosure systems is adopted, due to the economic, political, legal, and institutional complexity involved in effecting actual change. A particularly skeptical view is reserved for simply mandating new accounting standards for public financial reporting. This amounts to little more than “window dressing,” unless it is accompanied by wholesale revision of the infrastructure that determines the financial reporting incentives of managers and auditors. If forced to nominate a single place from which to
一个经济有效的公共财务报告(审计会计信息)和披露(非会计信息)系统。财务报告和信息披露是改善管理者和与公司签约的各方(包括股东、贷款人、供应商、客户和员工)之间信息不对称的互补手段。因此,一个国家的财务报告和披露制度的效率对其经济高效的上市公司和上市证券市场的发展以及经济的发展至关重要。由于影响实际变化所涉及的经济、政治、法律和制度的复杂性,人们对突然改变报告和披露系统持怀疑态度。一种特别持怀疑态度的观点是,仅仅要求为公共财务报告制定新的会计准则。这无异于“粉饰门面”,除非它伴随着决定经理和审计师财务报告激励机制的基础设施的大规模修订。如果被迫提名一个地方从哪
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引用次数: 850
Comment and Discussion 评论与讨论
Pub Date : 2001-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/PFS.2001.0008
G. Kaufman
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引用次数: 1
Editors' Summary 编者总结
Pub Date : 2001-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/pfs.2001.0012
Robert E. Litan, R. Herring
awakened the world to the importance of a sound financial system for economic stability. Each of the countries involved in the crisis had banks that loaned too freely, too often in foreign currencies, and too often to companies owned by bank shareholders. Furthermore, capital markets in each of the countries were poorly developed, accounting and disclosure standards were weak, bankruptcy systems were poor or effectively nonexistent, and little protection was afforded to minority shareholders. All of this is now conventional wisdom, although how essential it is for emerging-market countries generally to move their financial infrastructure in Western directions remains hotly disputed. Skeptics point to the rapid growth of the Asian economies before the 1997 crisis and assert that the characteristics of what is now called “crony capitalism” were present throughout this period, apparently without negative consequences. Advocates of reform counter that, however impressive the previous economic track records may have been, if emerging-market countries want to be integrated into the international financial system, they will have to upgrade their legal infrastructure to something akin to Western standards or else face the kind of punishment meted out to the Asian financial markets. If the latter view is correct—and we believe it is—then some countries may be tempted to say that they do not want to pay the price of joining the global financial marketplace. In fact, few countries have chosen this
让世界意识到健全的金融体系对经济稳定的重要性。每一个卷入危机的国家都有银行过于自由地发放贷款,过于频繁地以外币发放贷款,而且贷款对象往往是银行股东拥有的公司。此外,每个国家的资本市场都很不发达,会计和披露标准很薄弱,破产制度很差或实际上不存在,对小股东的保护很少。尽管新兴市场国家将其金融基础设施向西方方向转移到底有多重要,但所有这些现在都已成为传统智慧。怀疑论者指出,亚洲经济在1997年金融危机之前曾出现过快速增长,并断言,现在被称为“裙带资本主义”的特征贯穿了这一时期,显然没有带来负面后果。改革的支持者反驳说,无论新兴市场国家以往的经济记录多么令人印象深刻,如果它们想要融入国际金融体系,就必须把它们的法律基础设施升级到类似于西方标准的水平,否则就会面临亚洲金融市场所遭受的那种惩罚。如果后一种观点是正确的(我们认为是正确的),那么一些国家可能会忍不住说,它们不想为加入全球金融市场付出代价。事实上,很少有国家选择这样做
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Brookings-Wharton Papers on Financial Services
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