constitutional and practical aspects that accompany the process of security policy making various federal systems. The research assumes that the nature of federal states raises different questions about the range of contribution of each level of governance (Federal government and regional governments) in the process of making that policy and its implementation. The research is divided into three sections and attempts to provide a scientific understanding of different aspects of security decision-making in federal systems. The study argues that although the federal government controls defense policies in the federal state, experience of most federal systems shows that regional governments are allowed to play specific roles in the making and implementation of external security policy. In addition, the research posits that although the governments of the constituent regions of the federal state are required to preserve their internal security, in several federal states the federal government has been given ultimate responsibility in this area, especially in the extremely serious crises that regional governments cannot overcome depending on their own resources as well as in cases where regional governments violate the federal constitution.
{"title":"Security Policy in Federal States – Comparative Study","authors":"عابد رسول","doi":"10.31271/JOPSS.10002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/JOPSS.10002","url":null,"abstract":"constitutional and practical aspects that accompany the process of security policy making various federal systems. The research assumes that the nature of federal states raises different questions about the range of contribution of each level of governance (Federal government and regional governments) in the process of making that policy and its implementation. The research is divided into three sections and attempts to provide a scientific understanding of different aspects of security decision-making in federal systems. The study argues that although the federal government controls defense policies in the federal state, experience of most federal systems shows that regional governments are allowed to play specific roles in the making and implementation of external security policy. In addition, the research posits that although the governments of the constituent regions of the federal state are required to preserve their internal security, in several federal states the federal government has been given ultimate responsibility in this area, especially in the extremely serious crises that regional governments cannot overcome depending on their own resources as well as in cases where regional governments violate the federal constitution.","PeriodicalId":12594,"journal":{"name":"GJMS Vol 19, No.1, Jan-Mar 2021","volume":"96 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83379439","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The theme of the Irregular Armies provoked a lot of discussion debates and arguments among the academic and researchers, especially in security studies, It seems that this due to the expansion of security concept from its traditionally frame based on military force to a new one which began with interesting in development and prosperity topics that gained a lot of attention in such a malt-ingredients societies, that focused on committal security for all ingredients. The problem of the irregular armies lie in its multiple effects on the committal security in among nations regardless the progress or backwardness of these nations. The views among researches divided by two opinions ,The first one confirmed the positive role especially in during crisis and wars, the second one confirmed the negative role because these armies will increased the contradiction intercity in societies, Especially in countries with social ,cultural and ethnic pluralism , because these forces will exacerbate the social division especially since most of these force are linked either to certain pertain or sectarian sects ,and it will be an instrument by the hand of political system, and it will weekend the governmental army, its worth noting ,that these armies prove to be a failed experiment is a long term arrangement, like Iraq, Lebanon, Rwanda, and Iran. That’s why we demand to strengthen the official armies and deal with irregular armies as a temporary and emergency pollution in every limited situation.
{"title":"Irregular forces and Their impact on Community Security – Theoretical Framework","authors":"رشيد عمارة","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10003","url":null,"abstract":"The theme of the Irregular Armies provoked a lot of discussion debates and arguments among the academic and researchers, especially in security studies, It seems that this due to the expansion of security concept from its traditionally frame based on military force to a new one which began with interesting in development and prosperity topics that gained a lot of attention in such a malt-ingredients societies, that focused on committal security for all ingredients.\u0000The problem of the irregular armies lie in its multiple effects on the committal security in among nations regardless the progress or backwardness of these nations. The views among researches divided by two opinions ,The first one confirmed the positive role especially in during crisis and wars, the second one confirmed the negative role because these armies will increased the contradiction intercity in societies, Especially in countries with social ,cultural and ethnic pluralism , because these forces will exacerbate the social division especially since most of these force are linked either to certain pertain or sectarian sects ,and it will be an instrument by the hand of political system, and it will weekend the governmental army, its worth noting ,that these armies prove to be a failed experiment is a long term arrangement, like Iraq, Lebanon, Rwanda, and Iran. That’s why we demand to strengthen the official armies and deal with irregular armies as a temporary and emergency pollution in every limited situation.","PeriodicalId":12594,"journal":{"name":"GJMS Vol 19, No.1, Jan-Mar 2021","volume":"2009 17","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91548886","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Iranian-Iraqi Kurdish Political Movement relationships between 1968 and 1975 was under both the impacts of Iran-Iraq relationship after the coup of 1968 and the change in the Iraqi governments. This relationship witnessed frequent ups and downs. The core of the conflict was not only due to the Kurds’ political goals and their relationship with Iran, but also greatly influenced by the Iraq and Iran ideological stances. Whenever there was a decrease in ideological attitudes, there was a boost in political coordination and the border clashes became less. The interests of several states, such as Israel and the USA, played a considerable role in Iran-Iraq and Kurds-Iran relationships. Apart from the Kurdish Political Movement’s goals, Iran-Iraq relationships made the two states benefit from several mechanisms to weaken each other. For Iran, the Iraqi Kurdish Movement was part of its political and military tool. The first aim of this article is to examine the Iraqi Kurds relationships with Iran from 1968 to 1975 and Iran’s role in the Kurdish Movement led by Mustafa Barzani. The second aim is to investigate why Iran supported the Kurds and the roles of Iran and Iraq in this matter. Thus, the main question is what role did the Kurds play in the Iran-Iraq relationships between 1968-1975? In this research, historical descriptive-analytical method has been implemented. The researchers arrived at the conclusion that Iran took advantage of the Kurdish Movement through using them as a political instrument. Furthermore, Iran, through putting pressure on the Iraqi state, tried to attain its strategic, political, and economic goals such as demarcation of water and land borders, deviating of Iraq-Kurds March Manifesto from its path through the abrogation of the Kurdish autonomy. With Algeria Convention in 1975, Iran reached its goals and this proved the use of the Kurds as a political tool by Iran.
{"title":"Kurdistan Political Movement: in Political Strategy and Iranian State Relations 1968-1975","authors":"هەردى میکە, ئەژی ئەبوبەکر","doi":"10.31271/JOPSS.10004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/JOPSS.10004","url":null,"abstract":"The Iranian-Iraqi Kurdish Political Movement relationships between 1968 and 1975 was under both the impacts of Iran-Iraq relationship after the coup of 1968 and the change in the Iraqi governments. This relationship witnessed frequent ups and downs. The core of the conflict was not only due to the Kurds’ political goals and their relationship with Iran, but also greatly influenced by the Iraq and Iran ideological stances. Whenever there was a decrease in ideological attitudes, there was a boost in political coordination and the border clashes became less. The interests of several states, such as Israel and the USA, played a considerable role in Iran-Iraq and Kurds-Iran relationships. Apart from the Kurdish Political Movement’s goals, Iran-Iraq relationships made the two states benefit from several mechanisms to weaken each other. For Iran, the Iraqi Kurdish Movement was part of its political and military tool.\u0000The first aim of this article is to examine the Iraqi Kurds relationships with Iran from 1968 to 1975 and Iran’s role in the Kurdish Movement led by Mustafa Barzani. The second aim is to investigate why Iran supported the Kurds and the roles of Iran and Iraq in this matter. Thus, the main question is what role did the Kurds play in the Iran-Iraq relationships between 1968-1975? In this research, historical descriptive-analytical method has been implemented. The researchers arrived at the conclusion that Iran took advantage of the Kurdish Movement through using them as a political instrument. Furthermore, Iran, through putting pressure on the Iraqi state, tried to attain its strategic, political, and economic goals such as demarcation of water and land borders, deviating of Iraq-Kurds March Manifesto from its path through the abrogation of the Kurdish autonomy. With Algeria Convention in 1975, Iran reached its goals and this proved the use of the Kurds as a political tool by Iran.","PeriodicalId":12594,"journal":{"name":"GJMS Vol 19, No.1, Jan-Mar 2021","volume":"95 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85858277","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Kurds’ history in Iraq is fraught with problems related to their lack of fair representation in the decision-making institutions of the center, not letting them administer their affairs in Kurdish-populated areas, and not fully enjoying cultural rights. In addition to these constraints, centralization during the Monarchical and Republican regimes (before 2003) has weakened their confidence in successive governments and state institutions. Centralization, however, was not the only factor that made Kurds disavow the calls of ‘one nation to all’ launched by successive governments. There were other more damaging factors to the relations between the two sides of the conflict. One of these factors is that the Iraqi state, rather than responding positively to the demands of the Kurds, tended to adopt hard power policies relatively, from the mid-20th century until its fall in 2003. As a reaction to the Iraqi state’s use of force to control Kurdish movements for guaranteeing cultural, political and administrative rights, the Kurds resorted to political movements in the 1940s and armed movements in the early 1960s. The important question now is what successive governments could have done to address the demand of Kurds and in turn creating political stability in Iraq?
{"title":"THE KURDS IN IRAQ: PROBLEM AND SOLUTION ATTEMPTS","authors":"Jalal Mistaffa","doi":"10.31271/JOPSS.10005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/JOPSS.10005","url":null,"abstract":"The Kurds’ history in Iraq is fraught with problems related to their lack of fair representation in the decision-making institutions of the center, not letting them administer their affairs in Kurdish-populated areas, and not fully enjoying cultural rights. In addition to these constraints, centralization during the Monarchical and Republican regimes (before 2003) has weakened their confidence in successive governments and state institutions. Centralization, however, was not the only factor that made Kurds disavow the calls of ‘one nation to all’ launched by successive governments. There were other more damaging factors to the relations between the two sides of the conflict. One of these factors is that the Iraqi state, rather than responding positively to the demands of the Kurds, tended to adopt hard power policies relatively, from the mid-20th century until its fall in 2003. As a reaction to the Iraqi state’s use of force to control Kurdish movements for guaranteeing cultural, political and administrative rights, the Kurds resorted to political movements in the 1940s and armed movements in the early 1960s. The important question now is what successive governments could have done to address the demand of Kurds and in turn creating political stability in Iraq?","PeriodicalId":12594,"journal":{"name":"GJMS Vol 19, No.1, Jan-Mar 2021","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82427109","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This interview with Hisham al-Hashmi was conducted in Baghdad on March 14, 2018. Al-Hashmi is Baghdad based security and political researcher and analyst. Dr Saleem is a researcher and the director of International Affairs Department at the Centre for Future Studies.
{"title":"Iraq’s Future in the Light of the Recent Political and Security Developments","authors":"H. Al-Hashmi, Zmkan Salem","doi":"10.31271/JOPSS.10006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/JOPSS.10006","url":null,"abstract":"This interview with Hisham al-Hashmi was conducted in Baghdad on March 14, 2018.\u0000\u0000Al-Hashmi is Baghdad based security and political researcher and analyst.\u0000\u0000Dr Saleem is a researcher and the director of International Affairs Department at the Centre for Future Studies.","PeriodicalId":12594,"journal":{"name":"GJMS Vol 19, No.1, Jan-Mar 2021","volume":"48 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77637354","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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