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Belarusian People’s Republic 1918: a failed statehood 1918年的白俄罗斯人民共和国:一个失败的国家
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.31168/2782-473x.2023.2.06
Leontij Lannik
This article analyses the events and trends that determined the fate of attempts to form the Belarusian state in the conditions of the finale of World War One. The author has based his research on the study of the German occupation policy and the process of implementing the Brest-Litovsk peace treaties. It demonstrates that the foundations for the negative factors that blocked the appearance of a united Belarus were laid long before the beginning of the Soviet-Polish war. The BPR leaders’ interaction with the occupational authorities was determined not only by different subjective factors, but also by the fundamental refusal to place Belarus on the political map of 1918. This moment is not properly reflected in modern historiography of the issue, especially the Belarusian one. The role of neighbouring states and various national forces in the reconfiguration of post-imperial spaces under the pressure of the German Empire, within the framework of the Brest system of international relations created in 1918, is examined. Within its framework the RSFSR was to receive the place of the most important counteragent, who sought to obtain the maximum influence on the basis of mutually beneficial deals with the military-political leadership of the Kaiserreich. Although the projects of German hegemony in Eastern Europe were thwarted by the defeat of the Central Powers, the period of the First German Occupation and the partition of Belarusian territories between Soviet Russia and its western neighbours became the geopolitical basis for the fate of the nations of Belarus throughout the interwar period.
本文分析了在第一次世界大战结束的情况下决定白俄罗斯国家命运的事件和趋势。作者的研究是基于对德国占领政策和布列斯特-立托夫斯克和平条约执行过程的研究。它表明,阻碍白俄罗斯出现统一的消极因素的基础早在苏波战争开始之前就已奠定。BPR领导人与职业当局的互动不仅取决于不同的主观因素,而且还取决于从根本上拒绝将白俄罗斯置于1918年的政治地图上。这一时刻并没有恰当地反映在这个问题的现代史学中,特别是在白俄罗斯问题上。在1918年创建的布列斯特国际关系体系的框架内,在德意志帝国的压力下,邻国和各种民族力量在重新配置后帝国空间中的作用进行了审查。在其框架内,俄罗斯苏维埃社会主义共和国将接受最重要的反制者的位置,这些反制者寻求在与凯撒帝国的军事政治领导层互利交易的基础上获得最大的影响力。虽然德国在东欧的霸权计划因同盟国的失败而受挫,但德国第一次占领时期和苏联及其西方邻国对白俄罗斯领土的瓜分,成为两次世界大战期间白俄罗斯民族命运的地缘政治基础。
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引用次数: 0
Russian-Ukrainian dialogue on the pages of the magazine “Ukrainian Life” (1912-1917) 《乌克兰生活》杂志上的俄乌对话(1912-1917)
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.31168/2782-473x.2023.2.04
Maria Klopova
The article is devoted to the history of the Moscow magazine “Ukrainian Life” (1912-1917) and the role that it played in the discussion around the Ukrainian question on the eve of and during World War One. One of the tasks stated by the editorial board of the magazine was to inform the Russian public about the main tasks and problems of the Ukrainian national movement. From the first issues the magazine became a space for acute controversy: contributions of both prominent supporters and opponents of the Ukrainian movement were published on its pages: F. Korsh, M. Hrushevsky, D. Dontsov, as well as P. Struve, S. Shchegolev, E. Trubetskoy. The outbreak of World War One led to a change in the nature of the discussion around the prospects of the Ukrainian movement in Russia. The magazine, initially open to a broad discussion with the Russian liberal movement, gradually refused to publish articles by Russian authors, primarily by those critical of “Ukrainism”. As a result, the discussion on the Ukrainian issue turned out to be curtailed, and the events of 1917 put an end to the very existence of the magazine.
这篇文章致力于介绍莫斯科杂志《乌克兰生活》(Ukrainian Life, 1912-1917)的历史,以及它在第一次世界大战前夕和期间围绕乌克兰问题的讨论中所扮演的角色。该杂志编委会的任务之一是向俄罗斯公众介绍乌克兰民族运动的主要任务和问题。从第一期开始,该杂志就成为了一个激烈争议的空间:乌克兰运动的著名支持者和反对者的文章都发表在它的页面上:F.科尔什,M.赫鲁晓夫斯基,D.顿佐夫,以及P.斯特鲁夫,S.舍戈廖夫,E.特鲁别茨科伊。第一次世界大战的爆发导致围绕乌克兰运动在俄罗斯的前景的讨论性质发生了变化。该杂志最初与俄罗斯自由主义运动进行了广泛的讨论,但逐渐拒绝发表俄罗斯作者的文章,主要是那些批评“乌克兰主义”的作者。结果,关于乌克兰问题的讨论被削弱了,1917年的事件也终结了这份杂志的存在。
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引用次数: 0
Academic conference “National identity: choice in crises” “国家认同:危机中的选择”学术会议
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.31168/2782-473x.2023.2.12
Darya Korotkova
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引用次数: 0
The life Zigzags of the Ukrainian revolutionary, lawyer and writer Grigory Pirhavko (1883—1937) 乌克兰革命家、律师和作家格里戈里·皮拉夫科(1883-1937)的曲折人生
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.31168/2782-473x.2023.2.11
Valery Perkhavko
The author refers to the life, struggle and creativity of his grandfather Grigory I. Pirhavko, a figure of the Ukrainian national and political movement of the second and third plan, whose fate was typical of his like-minded people. The author has partially reconstructed his biography based on the identification of both published written sources (including Ukrainian emigrant periodicals) and available archival materials and oral memoirs of relatives.
作者提到了他的祖父Grigory I. Pirhavko的生活、斗争和创造力,Grigory I. Pirhavko是乌克兰第二和第三计划的民族和政治运动的人物,他的命运是与他志同道合的人的典型。作者根据已出版的书面资料(包括乌克兰移民期刊)和现有的档案材料和亲属的口述回忆录,部分地重建了他的传记。
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引用次数: 0
Apollon Kruse (1891—1967): a sketch of the early period of his life 阿波罗·克鲁斯(1891-1967):他早年生活的素描
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.31168/2782-473x.2023.2.07
Igor Barinov
This article examines the early period of the life and career of the Russian and Soviet military man Apollon Kruse, who became a general first in the White and then in the Red Army and escaped every kind of repression. During the Revolution of 1917, Kruse, like many other career officers of the Russian Imperial Army, faced the problem of further professional development. Contrary to popular belief, for a significant number of the officers, military service in one or another post-imperial army was primarily associated with the maintaining of the elite status and gaining new career opportunities. Traditionally, apolitical behaviour of the officers and their commitment to specific corporatism principally allowed them to switch from one army to another one without difficulty. The trajectory of their service was determined by their personal characteristics (first of all, their origin and worldview). These circumstances in particular gave rise to a whole range of identities that could change, depending on the situation. Kruse’s example highlights the evolution of a former tsarist officer and suggests a new approach towards the nature of conformity in his elite group. The article is based on previously unknown archival documents.
本文考察了俄罗斯和苏联军人阿波罗·克鲁斯的早期生活和职业生涯,他先是在白军,然后在红军成为将军,并逃脱了各种镇压。在1917年革命期间,克鲁斯和许多其他俄罗斯帝国军队的职业军官一样,面临着进一步职业发展的问题。与普遍的看法相反,对于相当多的军官来说,在一个或另一个后帝国军队服役主要是为了保持精英地位和获得新的职业机会。传统上,军官们的非政治行为和他们对特定社团主义的承诺基本上使他们能够毫不困难地从一支军队转到另一支军队。他们的服务轨迹是由他们的个人特征决定的(首先是他们的出身和世界观)。这些情况特别产生了一系列的身份,这些身份可能会根据情况而变化。克鲁斯的例子突出了一位前沙皇军官的演变,并提出了一种新的方法来处理他的精英群体中的一致性本质。这篇文章是根据以前不为人知的档案文件写成的。
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引用次数: 0
International scientific conference “Orthodoxy in the historical destinies of Slavic peoples. To the 1030th anniversary of Orthodoxy in the Belarusian lands” “斯拉夫民族历史命运中的正统”国际科学会议。为东正教在白俄罗斯土地上成立1030周年而干杯
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.31168/2782-473x.2023.2.13
Mihail Dronov, Sergei Sloistov
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引用次数: 0
Senator D. P. Troshchinsky - “the benefactor of Little Russia” 参议员d·p·特罗什钦斯基——“小俄罗斯的恩人”
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.31168/2782-473x.2023.2.02
Larisa Shchavinskaja
D. P. Troshchinsky, a native of the heartland of Ukraine, a descendant of an ancient Cossack family, who became one of the most influential people in the empire, a confidant of Empress Catherine II and Emperor Paul I, never forgot about his native land. The young N. V. Gogol used to call him “the benefactor of Little Russia”. During the Patriotic War of 1812, Troshchinsky founded a local Cossack people’s militia of Little Russia and, in letters full of fervent patriotism and appeals to M. I. Kutuzov, encouraged him to fight the enemy, knowing that Russia had to win because “the strength of our people is great”. Troshchinsky’s Poltava estate in the village of Kibintsy was a significant cultural center of the region, called “Little-Russian Athens”. The senator constantly supported many writers and artists from his country, including N. V. Gogol, V. V. Kapnist, V. L. Borovikovsky and others. The scene from the prose of T. G. Shevchenko in which one of the heroes seeks to go to the Poltava region to “bow to the ashes of the glorious Cossack-nobleman Troshchinsky” can serve as an example of his great fame in his homeland.
d·p·特罗什钦斯基(D. P. Troshchinsky)出生在乌克兰的中心地带,是一个古老哥萨克家族的后裔,后来成为帝国最有影响力的人物之一,是凯瑟琳皇后二世(Empress Catherine II)和皇帝保罗一世(Emperor Paul I)的心腹,他从未忘记自己的祖国。年轻的n·v·果戈理曾称他为“小俄罗斯的恩人”。在1812年卫国战争期间,特罗什钦斯基在小俄罗斯建立了一个当地的哥萨克民兵组织,并在充满热情的爱国主义和对库图佐夫的呼吁的信件中鼓励他与敌人作战,因为他知道俄罗斯必须赢得胜利,因为“我们人民的力量是伟大的”。Troshchinsky位于Kibintsy村的Poltava庄园是该地区重要的文化中心,被称为“小俄罗斯雅典”。这位参议员不断地支持他的国家的许多作家和艺术家,包括n.v.果戈理、v.v.卡普尼斯特、v.l.博罗维科夫斯基等人。T. G.舍甫琴科散文中的一个场景,其中一个英雄试图去波尔塔瓦地区“向光荣的哥萨克贵族特罗什钦斯基的骨灰鞠躬”,可以作为他在祖国的伟大名声的一个例子。
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引用次数: 0
T. G. Shevchenko and the Georgian national movement of the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth century 舍甫琴科和十九世纪下半叶和二十世纪初的格鲁吉亚民族运动
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.31168/2782-473x.2023.2.10
Jamal Rakhaev
The article traces the influence of the outstanding Ukrainian poet and prose writer T. G. Shevchenko on the formation and development of the leaders of the Georgian national movement Tergdaleulebi (I. G. Chavchavadze, A. R. Tsereteli, N. I. Lomouri, etc.) in the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth century. Tergdaleulebi members (literally: those who drank the water of the river Terek, meaning those educated in Russia), this patriotic-democratic direction of the Georgian educational thought of the 1860s and 1870s, was under the influence of T. G. Shevchenko, V. G. Belinsky, N. G. Chernyshevsky, N. A. Dobrolyubov and European socialists.
文章追溯了乌克兰杰出诗人、散文作家t·g·舍甫琴科对19世纪下半叶和20世纪初格鲁吉亚民族运动“特格达列比”(Tergdaleulebi)领导人(I. G. Chavchavadze、A. R. Tsereteli、N. I. Lomouri等)的形成和发展的影响。Tergdaleulebi成员(字面意思:喝捷列克河水的人,意思是在俄罗斯受教育的人),这种19世纪60年代和70年代格鲁吉亚教育思想的爱国民主方向,受到T. G.舍甫琴科、V. G.别林斯基、N. G.车尔尼雪夫斯基、N. A.多布罗柳波夫和欧洲社会主义者的影响。
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引用次数: 0
“Attending courses is mandatory for everyone...”: the experience of hardware Ukrainization of the 1920s “每个人都必须参加课程……: 20世纪20年代硬件乌克兰化的经验
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.31168/2782-473x.2023.2.08
Elena Borisenok
This article discusses the functionalities of courses on the study of the Ukrainian language in the Ukrainian SSR during the Ukrainization of the 1920s. There are many studies on the history of Soviet national policy in Ukraine. However, the daily practice of Ukrainization has not been studied enough. The purpose of the article is to analyse the peculiarities of the policy of Ukrainization in relation to Russian-speaking employees of state institutions and enterprises of the Republic, to analyse organisational forms and methods of teaching the Ukrainian language, and the format of knowledge in the field of Ukrainian Studies. Primary attention is paid to the characteristics of resolutions, instructions and methodological guidelines that regulated the form and activities of courses on the study of the Ukrainian language and Ukrainian Studies, as well as teaching methods and the procedures for conducting exams. The study shows that the courses were supposed to ensure the knowledge of the Ukrainian language by employees of various organisations. This was necessary for the translation of office work into Ukrainian. Ukrainian was the language “for official relations” in the Republic, since it was the language spoken by the majority of the population of the Ukrainian SSR. At the same time, the courses gave students an idea of the “Ukrainian question”, Ukrainian literature and history. The Republican authorities expected to force officials to switch to the language of the titular nation within a short time. They used harsh administrative pressure: in the resolutions and orders of the Kharkiv leadership, there was a clause on the dismissal of those who did not want to be Ukrainised.
本文讨论了在20世纪20年代乌克兰化期间,乌克兰苏维埃社会主义共和国乌克兰语研究课程的功能。关于苏联对乌克兰民族政策的历史研究很多。然而,对乌克兰化的日常实践研究还不够。本文的目的是分析乌克兰化政策对共和国国家机构和企业中讲俄语的雇员的特点,分析乌克兰语教学的组织形式和方法,以及乌克兰研究领域的知识形式。主要注意的是决议、指示和方法准则的特点,这些准则规定了乌克兰语文和乌克兰研究课程的形式和活动,以及教学方法和考试程序。研究表明,这些课程旨在确保不同组织的员工掌握乌克兰语。这对于将办公室工作翻译成乌克兰语是必要的。乌克兰语是共和国“官方关系”的语言,因为它是乌克兰苏维埃社会主义共和国大多数人口使用的语言。同时,课程让学生了解“乌克兰问题”、乌克兰文学和历史。共和党当局希望在短时间内迫使官员们改用这个名义上的国家的语言。他们施加了严厉的行政压力:在哈尔科夫领导层的决议和命令中,有一条关于解雇那些不希望被乌克兰化的人的条款。
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引用次数: 0
“Between Finland and Bohdan Khmelnytsky’s land”: Ukrainian national project through the eyes of Herman Gummerus “在芬兰和博赫丹·赫梅利尼茨基的土地之间”:赫尔曼·古梅鲁斯眼中的乌克兰国家项目
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.31168/2782-473x.2023.2.05
Elena Kosovan
This article considers the cooperation between the Ukrainian and Finnish national movement in the first quarter of the twentieth century. The political aspects of the cooperation are viewed through the lens of Herman Gregorius Gummerus’ biography (1877-1948). In contemporary historiography, Herman Gummerus is mostly known for his historical studies that focus on the economic history of ancient Rome. Whereas the majority of studies on Ukrainian-Finnish cooperation in the early twentieth century contain only fragmentary evidence of his political and diplomatic activities, the author of the article considers it necessary to present the biographical essay with a special focus on Herman Gummerus’ participation in the Finnish activists’ movement during two periods of “Russification of Finland” (1899-1905, 1908-1917) and after World War One. Herman Gummerus’ attitude towards the Ukrainian national state project (including the Ukrainian State or the Second Hetmanate, dated 1918) is reconstructed on the basis of his memoirs “Ukraine on the cusp. Six months at the head of the Finnish Embassy in Kyiv” (Ukrainan murrosajoilta - Kuusi kuukautta lähetystön päällikkönä Kievissä) (1931).
本文考察了二十世纪前二十五年乌克兰和芬兰民族运动之间的合作。通过Herman Gregorius Gummerus的传记(1877-1948),我们可以看到合作的政治方面。在当代史学中,Herman Gummerus以其关注古罗马经济史的历史研究而闻名。鉴于大多数关于二十世纪初乌克兰-芬兰合作的研究只包含他的政治和外交活动的零碎证据,本文作者认为有必要在这篇传记文章中特别关注赫尔曼·古梅洛斯在“芬兰俄罗斯化”两个时期(1899-1905年,1908-1917年)和第一次世界大战后参与芬兰活动家运动的情况。Herman Gummerus对乌克兰民族国家计划(包括乌克兰国家或第二帝国,日期为1918年)的态度是在他的回忆录《处于尖端的乌克兰》的基础上重建的。在芬兰驻基辅大使馆担任六个月的负责人”(Ukrainan murrosajoilta - Kuusi kuukautta lähetystön päällikkönä Kievissä)(1931年)。
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引用次数: 0
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East Slavic Studies
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