The purpose of this research was to evaluate the agenda setting theory’s ability to affect and impact voters voting decisions during the 2020 Presidential election in Tanzania. The research specifically aimed to ascertain the agenda setting theory’s dominance on the voting decisions in comparison to other dominant third party factors such as prior knowledge, political affiliations and emotions amongst prospective voters. The research used FGD to collect the qualitative data while a survey procedure was used to gather the quantitative data. A total of five FGD were conducted which comprised of between six to nine informants whereas 478 questionnaires were successful returned and used in the analysis. A purposive sampling procedure was used to identify and select participants for the FGD whereas a simple random sampling technique was used for the survey. The participants for both FGD and survey were gotten from the Voter’s Registration Books (VRB) from each wards. The data collection was conducted between December 2020 and January 2021 in the five wards of Nyamagana district in Mwanza, Tanzania. After data collection, the data were coded and cleaned using the Scientific Package for Social Solutions (SPSS) version 20 before analysis. The frequency count, tables, descriptions, explanations, and simple percentage were used to present the research findings. The findings show that Agenda Setting Theory has slightly lost its power, it has been superseded by pre-existing knowledge (52%) and political party affiliations (27%).
{"title":"Rethinking the Influence of Agenda Setting Theory: An Assessment of the Influence of Agenda Setting Theory in the Voting Decisions during the 2020 General Election in Tanzania","authors":"Cezalia Buyanza-Mwidima","doi":"10.37284/ijgg.3.1.1727","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37284/ijgg.3.1.1727","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this research was to evaluate the agenda setting theory’s ability to affect and impact voters voting decisions during the 2020 Presidential election in Tanzania. The research specifically aimed to ascertain the agenda setting theory’s dominance on the voting decisions in comparison to other dominant third party factors such as prior knowledge, political affiliations and emotions amongst prospective voters. The research used FGD to collect the qualitative data while a survey procedure was used to gather the quantitative data. A total of five FGD were conducted which comprised of between six to nine informants whereas 478 questionnaires were successful returned and used in the analysis. A purposive sampling procedure was used to identify and select participants for the FGD whereas a simple random sampling technique was used for the survey. The participants for both FGD and survey were gotten from the Voter’s Registration Books (VRB) from each wards. The data collection was conducted between December 2020 and January 2021 in the five wards of Nyamagana district in Mwanza, Tanzania. After data collection, the data were coded and cleaned using the Scientific Package for Social Solutions (SPSS) version 20 before analysis. The frequency count, tables, descriptions, explanations, and simple percentage were used to present the research findings. The findings show that Agenda Setting Theory has slightly lost its power, it has been superseded by pre-existing knowledge (52%) and political party affiliations (27%).","PeriodicalId":136451,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Geopolitics and Governance","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139865083","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of this research was to evaluate the agenda setting theory’s ability to affect and impact voters voting decisions during the 2020 Presidential election in Tanzania. The research specifically aimed to ascertain the agenda setting theory’s dominance on the voting decisions in comparison to other dominant third party factors such as prior knowledge, political affiliations and emotions amongst prospective voters. The research used FGD to collect the qualitative data while a survey procedure was used to gather the quantitative data. A total of five FGD were conducted which comprised of between six to nine informants whereas 478 questionnaires were successful returned and used in the analysis. A purposive sampling procedure was used to identify and select participants for the FGD whereas a simple random sampling technique was used for the survey. The participants for both FGD and survey were gotten from the Voter’s Registration Books (VRB) from each wards. The data collection was conducted between December 2020 and January 2021 in the five wards of Nyamagana district in Mwanza, Tanzania. After data collection, the data were coded and cleaned using the Scientific Package for Social Solutions (SPSS) version 20 before analysis. The frequency count, tables, descriptions, explanations, and simple percentage were used to present the research findings. The findings show that Agenda Setting Theory has slightly lost its power, it has been superseded by pre-existing knowledge (52%) and political party affiliations (27%).
{"title":"Rethinking the Influence of Agenda Setting Theory: An Assessment of the Influence of Agenda Setting Theory in the Voting Decisions during the 2020 General Election in Tanzania","authors":"Cezalia Buyanza-Mwidima","doi":"10.37284/ijgg.3.1.1727","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37284/ijgg.3.1.1727","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this research was to evaluate the agenda setting theory’s ability to affect and impact voters voting decisions during the 2020 Presidential election in Tanzania. The research specifically aimed to ascertain the agenda setting theory’s dominance on the voting decisions in comparison to other dominant third party factors such as prior knowledge, political affiliations and emotions amongst prospective voters. The research used FGD to collect the qualitative data while a survey procedure was used to gather the quantitative data. A total of five FGD were conducted which comprised of between six to nine informants whereas 478 questionnaires were successful returned and used in the analysis. A purposive sampling procedure was used to identify and select participants for the FGD whereas a simple random sampling technique was used for the survey. The participants for both FGD and survey were gotten from the Voter’s Registration Books (VRB) from each wards. The data collection was conducted between December 2020 and January 2021 in the five wards of Nyamagana district in Mwanza, Tanzania. After data collection, the data were coded and cleaned using the Scientific Package for Social Solutions (SPSS) version 20 before analysis. The frequency count, tables, descriptions, explanations, and simple percentage were used to present the research findings. The findings show that Agenda Setting Theory has slightly lost its power, it has been superseded by pre-existing knowledge (52%) and political party affiliations (27%).","PeriodicalId":136451,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Geopolitics and Governance","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139805173","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The decentralisation system of governance is perceived as one of the recent public sector reforms to improve service delivery in Uganda. It is the transfer of authority from Central to Local Governments to execute their duties to improve service delivery. Various developing countries have praised Uganda’s decentralisation policy regarding the magnitude of the transfer of authority to the local level. However, since 2003, the Central Government started reversing the policy in terms of : recentralization of the appointment of Chief Administrative Officers and Municipal Town Clerks and of recent City Town Clerks (for new cities in Uganda) from the District Service Commissions (DSCs) to the Public Service Commission, recentralization of Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) under the management of the Executive Director, Procurement of drugs from the district health office to the National Medical Stores (NMS), recentralization of the payroll and the recent recentralization of local revenue collection from LGs. This paper focuses on the factors influencing the recentralization of Local Government powers in Uganda. This is presumed to be evidence of the demise of decentralisation policy. From the reviewed articles, these factors include: accountability challenges, human resource management crisis, political interference by local authorities and lack of financial discipline among local authorities and fear of local autonomy. The paper concluded that recentralisation of Local Government functions reduced undue influence of local politicians though it accorded excessive powers to executive officers in Local Governments; human resource crisis was mainly caused by poor man power planning. Recentralisation of local revenue caused financial constraints at the local level and recentralisation of KCCA led to the weakening of the opposition but led to increases resources to develop the capital city. The paper recommended that the Parliament should harmonise with the central government on the issue of returning Local revenue collection and management at the local level; give reasonable powers to the local Governments to control top technical leadership; increase funding to Central Government staff to monitor Local Government programs and build the capacity of local leaders to improve service delivery
{"title":"Factors Influencing Recentralization of Local Government Functions in Uganda","authors":"Stephen Biryomumeisho, Johnson Ocan, F. Adyanga","doi":"10.37284/ijgg.3.1.1688","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37284/ijgg.3.1.1688","url":null,"abstract":"The decentralisation system of governance is perceived as one of the recent public sector reforms to improve service delivery in Uganda. It is the transfer of authority from Central to Local Governments to execute their duties to improve service delivery. Various developing countries have praised Uganda’s decentralisation policy regarding the magnitude of the transfer of authority to the local level. However, since 2003, the Central Government started reversing the policy in terms of : recentralization of the appointment of Chief Administrative Officers and Municipal Town Clerks and of recent City Town Clerks (for new cities in Uganda) from the District Service Commissions (DSCs) to the Public Service Commission, recentralization of Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) under the management of the Executive Director, Procurement of drugs from the district health office to the National Medical Stores (NMS), recentralization of the payroll and the recent recentralization of local revenue collection from LGs. This paper focuses on the factors influencing the recentralization of Local Government powers in Uganda. This is presumed to be evidence of the demise of decentralisation policy. From the reviewed articles, these factors include: accountability challenges, human resource management crisis, political interference by local authorities and lack of financial discipline among local authorities and fear of local autonomy. The paper concluded that recentralisation of Local Government functions reduced undue influence of local politicians though it accorded excessive powers to executive officers in Local Governments; human resource crisis was mainly caused by poor man power planning. Recentralisation of local revenue caused financial constraints at the local level and recentralisation of KCCA led to the weakening of the opposition but led to increases resources to develop the capital city. The paper recommended that the Parliament should harmonise with the central government on the issue of returning Local revenue collection and management at the local level; give reasonable powers to the local Governments to control top technical leadership; increase funding to Central Government staff to monitor Local Government programs and build the capacity of local leaders to improve service delivery","PeriodicalId":136451,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Geopolitics and Governance","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139624164","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Different oversight and implementation challenges have led to the failure of borehole projects in Meru County in the recent past, hence leading to the sourcing of extra funding and technical expertise to achieve the desired results. This research sought to assess the project Management committee’s effect on the performance of County Government funded boreholes in the Igembe North Sub- County of Meru County. The findings of this research will be of use to stakeholders such as National and devolved governments, NGOs, and other government agencies. In an aspect of the study methodology, a descriptive research design was adopted. The research targeted a population of 181 borehole committee members and a sample size of 100 drawn from 25 borehole committees across the five wards in the Igembe North sub-county. Data was gathered using research questionnaires and interview guides. Data analysis was guided by the use of SPSS for the calculation of frequencies, standard deviations, means as well as percentages. The study established that having and adhering to the constitution, membership of water management experts, the committee being reliable, and the link between the committee and community are moderate contributors to the performance of County Government funded boreholes in Igembe North Sub-County. Regarding the constitutional policy of project management committees, borehole management committees should ensure that they have a defined constitution in place to guide the selection of members and operations effectively. For enhanced outcomes of borehole projects, the study recommends training in advanced water management and monitoring and evaluation. This should be initiated by first developing training manuals for borehole management committees.
{"title":"Impact of Constitution Policy of Project Management Committee on Performance of County Government-Funded Boreholes in Igembe North Sub-County","authors":"Florence Karegi Kirema, Simon Njeri Ngacha","doi":"10.37284/ijgg.2.1.1385","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37284/ijgg.2.1.1385","url":null,"abstract":"Different oversight and implementation challenges have led to the failure of borehole projects in Meru County in the recent past, hence leading to the sourcing of extra funding and technical expertise to achieve the desired results. This research sought to assess the project Management committee’s effect on the performance of County Government funded boreholes in the Igembe North Sub- County of Meru County. The findings of this research will be of use to stakeholders such as National and devolved governments, NGOs, and other government agencies. In an aspect of the study methodology, a descriptive research design was adopted. The research targeted a population of 181 borehole committee members and a sample size of 100 drawn from 25 borehole committees across the five wards in the Igembe North sub-county. Data was gathered using research questionnaires and interview guides. Data analysis was guided by the use of SPSS for the calculation of frequencies, standard deviations, means as well as percentages. The study established that having and adhering to the constitution, membership of water management experts, the committee being reliable, and the link between the committee and community are moderate contributors to the performance of County Government funded boreholes in Igembe North Sub-County. Regarding the constitutional policy of project management committees, borehole management committees should ensure that they have a defined constitution in place to guide the selection of members and operations effectively. For enhanced outcomes of borehole projects, the study recommends training in advanced water management and monitoring and evaluation. This should be initiated by first developing training manuals for borehole management committees.","PeriodicalId":136451,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Geopolitics and Governance","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132268640","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article explores the legal basis for Somaliland’s unilateral secession from Somalia and whether it violates Somalia’s territorial integrity under international law. The article provides a brief history of Somaliland’s original independence and its subsequent union with Somalia. Following the collapse of the Somali government, Somaliland declared its secession from Somalia in 1991, while the southern region plunged into anarchy. The article examines the criteria for state recognition, with Somaliland fulfilling three of the four requirements. The article delves into the principles of self-determination, sovereignty, and territorial integrity under international law. Although the right to self-determination is fundamental, some experts argue that it does not apply to unilateral secession, as it is in conflict with territorial integrity. Conversely, others argue that self-determination promotes decolonisation and allows individuals to take part in local decision-making, including secession. The article also discusses the role of the International Court of Justice (ICJ), which considers customary law, and the principle of territorial integrity, which only prohibits foreign interference. Besides, this article provides an overview of the concept of recognition in relation to unilateral secession. It discusses the two main perspectives on recognition, constitutive and declaratory. The article examines several cases of state formation, including Eritrea, South Sudan, Czechoslovakia, and the Soviet Union, and emphasises the importance of mutual consent in the creation of new states. In conclusion, the article provides an overview of the legal basis for Somaliland’s unilateral secession and the principles of self-determination, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. It examines the criteria for state recognition and the role of the ICJ, human rights advocates, and the Security Council in interventions. Ultimately, the recognition of a new state depends on political will, which can have a significant impact on the decision-making process.
{"title":"Legal Basis for Unilateral Secession of Somaliland from Somalia","authors":"Abdurisaq Abdurahman Abdullah","doi":"10.37284/ijgg.2.1.1323","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37284/ijgg.2.1.1323","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the legal basis for Somaliland’s unilateral secession from Somalia and whether it violates Somalia’s territorial integrity under international law. The article provides a brief history of Somaliland’s original independence and its subsequent union with Somalia. Following the collapse of the Somali government, Somaliland declared its secession from Somalia in 1991, while the southern region plunged into anarchy. The article examines the criteria for state recognition, with Somaliland fulfilling three of the four requirements. The article delves into the principles of self-determination, sovereignty, and territorial integrity under international law. Although the right to self-determination is fundamental, some experts argue that it does not apply to unilateral secession, as it is in conflict with territorial integrity. Conversely, others argue that self-determination promotes decolonisation and allows individuals to take part in local decision-making, including secession. The article also discusses the role of the International Court of Justice (ICJ), which considers customary law, and the principle of territorial integrity, which only prohibits foreign interference. Besides, this article provides an overview of the concept of recognition in relation to unilateral secession. It discusses the two main perspectives on recognition, constitutive and declaratory. The article examines several cases of state formation, including Eritrea, South Sudan, Czechoslovakia, and the Soviet Union, and emphasises the importance of mutual consent in the creation of new states. In conclusion, the article provides an overview of the legal basis for Somaliland’s unilateral secession and the principles of self-determination, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. It examines the criteria for state recognition and the role of the ICJ, human rights advocates, and the Security Council in interventions. Ultimately, the recognition of a new state depends on political will, which can have a significant impact on the decision-making process.","PeriodicalId":136451,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Geopolitics and Governance","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131080754","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Lydiah Namayengo, Rogers Barigayomwe, M. Mbabazize
Limited citizen participation in elections, politics, and leadership remains a governance challenge globally especially in Low developed countries like Uganda. Citizens have over time through traditional methods, been encouraged to participate in elections; however, without internet use, no meaningful participation may be achieved. Electoral democracy has been one of the cornerstones of democracy all over the world. Without free, inclusive, fair, transparent, open, and credible elections being conducted, with meaningful representation of the people, the power of the people cannot be achieved. The objective/ purpose of this study, therefore, is to examine the effect of E-Engaging on Electoral democracy in Uganda. This study took both the quantitative paradigm and qualitative approach, thus the adoption of mixed methods research in order to capture the conflicting ideas of reality with more focus on the quantitative approach. A correlational research design was adopted and a sample size of 472 respondents was selected. The Pearson Correlation Coefficient tests were used for the hypotheses. The results show that there exists a statistically significant and positive association between E-engaging and electoral democracy, based on Pearson’s correlation coefficients. The study recommends that there is a need to design easily downloadable mobile applications that can be utilised for online campaigns, online voter education and online voting. These should however, be first sampled like in a university election before being used in a general election to rule out their effectiveness and efficiency. These should also have internal security systems designed for the security of the ballot papers if it is for online voting in order to reduce the levels of voter bribery, ballot stuffing, delayed delivery of electoral materials and vote rigging.
{"title":"E-Engaging on Electoral democracy in Uganda: A Correlational Study","authors":"Lydiah Namayengo, Rogers Barigayomwe, M. Mbabazize","doi":"10.37284/ijgg.2.1.1274","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37284/ijgg.2.1.1274","url":null,"abstract":"Limited citizen participation in elections, politics, and leadership remains a governance challenge globally especially in Low developed countries like Uganda. Citizens have over time through traditional methods, been encouraged to participate in elections; however, without internet use, no meaningful participation may be achieved. Electoral democracy has been one of the cornerstones of democracy all over the world. Without free, inclusive, fair, transparent, open, and credible elections being conducted, with meaningful representation of the people, the power of the people cannot be achieved. The objective/ purpose of this study, therefore, is to examine the effect of E-Engaging on Electoral democracy in Uganda. This study took both the quantitative paradigm and qualitative approach, thus the adoption of mixed methods research in order to capture the conflicting ideas of reality with more focus on the quantitative approach. A correlational research design was adopted and a sample size of 472 respondents was selected. The Pearson Correlation Coefficient tests were used for the hypotheses. The results show that there exists a statistically significant and positive association between E-engaging and electoral democracy, based on Pearson’s correlation coefficients. The study recommends that there is a need to design easily downloadable mobile applications that can be utilised for online campaigns, online voter education and online voting. These should however, be first sampled like in a university election before being used in a general election to rule out their effectiveness and efficiency. These should also have internal security systems designed for the security of the ballot papers if it is for online voting in order to reduce the levels of voter bribery, ballot stuffing, delayed delivery of electoral materials and vote rigging.","PeriodicalId":136451,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Geopolitics and Governance","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134312647","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article presents a comprehensive examination of the historical and contemporary dynamics of governance in Somalia. It begins with a review of the country's socio-political landscape, highlighting the impact of the civil war, the emergence of clan-based territories, and the rise of non-state actors. The article then traces the evolution of Somali governance from independence to the present day, emphasizing the transition from a centralized authority to a federal system. The role of external stakeholders in Somalia's reconciliation and recovery process is thoroughly analyzed, drawing attention to the complex influences of international and regional actors. A key focus of the article is the formation of the third tier of government in Somalia, the district council, under the Wadajir framework. The challenges faced by this newly established entity, including clan-based conflicts and a fragile revenue system, are discussed in detail. At the same time, the potential of the district council in fostering improved local government actions, encouraging community engagement in development and ensuring fairer resource distribution is underscored. The article concludes with a forward-looking discussion on the prospects of inclusive governance and local empowerment in Somalia's future. This comprehensive analysis serves as a valuable resource for scholars, policymakers, and practitioners interested in Somali politics and governance
{"title":"Local Governance: Concepts and Roles of the Contemporary Society in Somalia","authors":"Mohamed Hussein","doi":"10.37284/ijgg.2.1.1273","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37284/ijgg.2.1.1273","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents a comprehensive examination of the historical and contemporary dynamics of governance in Somalia. It begins with a review of the country's socio-political landscape, highlighting the impact of the civil war, the emergence of clan-based territories, and the rise of non-state actors. The article then traces the evolution of Somali governance from independence to the present day, emphasizing the transition from a centralized authority to a federal system. The role of external stakeholders in Somalia's reconciliation and recovery process is thoroughly analyzed, drawing attention to the complex influences of international and regional actors. A key focus of the article is the formation of the third tier of government in Somalia, the district council, under the Wadajir framework. The challenges faced by this newly established entity, including clan-based conflicts and a fragile revenue system, are discussed in detail. At the same time, the potential of the district council in fostering improved local government actions, encouraging community engagement in development and ensuring fairer resource distribution is underscored. The article concludes with a forward-looking discussion on the prospects of inclusive governance and local empowerment in Somalia's future. This comprehensive analysis serves as a valuable resource for scholars, policymakers, and practitioners interested in Somali politics and governance","PeriodicalId":136451,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Geopolitics and Governance","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123410372","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The importance of military bases for the economy and security of nations is enormous and serves different purposes. Thus, this study evaluates the impact of foreign military bases and economic security in Djibouti. This country in the Horn of Africa region was chosen because of its geostrategic location and because it currently hosts five foreign military bases in its small landmass. The specific objectives of the study are (i): to determine whether the geostrategic locations of these foreign bases in Djibouti are driven by the economic interests of the foreign countries and (ii) to ascertain whether the rent/premium on these bases has any significant impact on the economic development of Djibouti. The theoretical framework used in this study is the realist theory, while the method of data collection is the documentary method. The data collected were analysed using the qualitative descriptive method of data analysis that involves the explanation and description of the secondary sources of data. From this study, we observed that the geostrategic position of Djibouti in the Horn of Africa that hosts these foreign military bases drives its economy from premium and rent. Consequently, major findings include the locations of five military bases (US, France, Japan, China, and Italy) on the country’s landmass which are driven by economic/national interests. Again, the premiums/rents paid on the military bases have not significantly increased the economic development of Djibouti. The study, therefore, recommends that Djibouti should explore other uses of its geostrategic location from hosting military bases to tourism. Again, the country should step up to take charge and control such regional economic routes around its maritime corridor.
{"title":"Foreign Military Bases (FMBs) and Economic Security in Africa: Overview of FMBs in Djibouti","authors":"Kelechukwu Dennis Ezeh, G. E. Ezirim","doi":"10.37284/ijgg.2.1.1214","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37284/ijgg.2.1.1214","url":null,"abstract":"The importance of military bases for the economy and security of nations is enormous and serves different purposes. Thus, this study evaluates the impact of foreign military bases and economic security in Djibouti. This country in the Horn of Africa region was chosen because of its geostrategic location and because it currently hosts five foreign military bases in its small landmass. The specific objectives of the study are (i): to determine whether the geostrategic locations of these foreign bases in Djibouti are driven by the economic interests of the foreign countries and (ii) to ascertain whether the rent/premium on these bases has any significant impact on the economic development of Djibouti. The theoretical framework used in this study is the realist theory, while the method of data collection is the documentary method. The data collected were analysed using the qualitative descriptive method of data analysis that involves the explanation and description of the secondary sources of data. From this study, we observed that the geostrategic position of Djibouti in the Horn of Africa that hosts these foreign military bases drives its economy from premium and rent. Consequently, major findings include the locations of five military bases (US, France, Japan, China, and Italy) on the country’s landmass which are driven by economic/national interests. Again, the premiums/rents paid on the military bases have not significantly increased the economic development of Djibouti. The study, therefore, recommends that Djibouti should explore other uses of its geostrategic location from hosting military bases to tourism. Again, the country should step up to take charge and control such regional economic routes around its maritime corridor.","PeriodicalId":136451,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Geopolitics and Governance","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127205352","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article is about the unceasing ethnic conflicts in Laikipia West constituency, Laikipia county. The interethnic conflict has continued to be witnessed between Kenya and its neighbouring countries since the colonial era to date in Kenya, mainly in the arid and semiarid areas amongst pastoral communities. Laikipia West constituency has been experiencing perennial conflicts that have been worsening over time. The conflicts have often led to the disruption of social and economic activities and people migrating from their residential areas in search of safer places to settle in. Ethnic conflicts in the constituency can be traced back to 1895 when the white settlers began establishing their homes in Laikipia county. Prior to British colonial rule, the area in Laikipia was under pastoralism by the Maasai and Samburu communities. With the coming of the colonialists, most of the lands were seized and the pastoral communities living in these areas were displaced. Some immigrants resulted in establishing ranches, while other immigrants resulted in irrigation systems leading to the horticultural boom in Laikipia in the 1980s. The first part of this article will seek to unearth the root causes of inter-ethnic conflict in Laikipia, while the effects of the perennial conflicts are examined in the later part. This study employed the conflict theory by Marx, which purports that the existence of different social classes is the continuous source of inevitable conflict and change in the social structure occurring through political upheavals affecting class composition.
{"title":"Pastoralism and the Struggle for Survival in Laikipia","authors":"Jacqueline Wanjiku, I. Tarus, D. Nyakwaka","doi":"10.37284/ijgg.2.1.1071","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37284/ijgg.2.1.1071","url":null,"abstract":"This article is about the unceasing ethnic conflicts in Laikipia West constituency, Laikipia county. The interethnic conflict has continued to be witnessed between Kenya and its neighbouring countries since the colonial era to date in Kenya, mainly in the arid and semiarid areas amongst pastoral communities. Laikipia West constituency has been experiencing perennial conflicts that have been worsening over time. The conflicts have often led to the disruption of social and economic activities and people migrating from their residential areas in search of safer places to settle in. Ethnic conflicts in the constituency can be traced back to 1895 when the white settlers began establishing their homes in Laikipia county. Prior to British colonial rule, the area in Laikipia was under pastoralism by the Maasai and Samburu communities. With the coming of the colonialists, most of the lands were seized and the pastoral communities living in these areas were displaced. Some immigrants resulted in establishing ranches, while other immigrants resulted in irrigation systems leading to the horticultural boom in Laikipia in the 1980s. The first part of this article will seek to unearth the root causes of inter-ethnic conflict in Laikipia, while the effects of the perennial conflicts are examined in the later part. This study employed the conflict theory by Marx, which purports that the existence of different social classes is the continuous source of inevitable conflict and change in the social structure occurring through political upheavals affecting class composition.","PeriodicalId":136451,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Geopolitics and Governance","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127541892","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Alliances and inclusivity for social work have become increasingly important in the recent past as implementing agencies seek to realise sustainable development from engagement and facilitation of communities. The current scenario of social education and practices has largely encountered aspects of exclusion and non-sustainability. The role of social work for innovation and sustainable development cannot be underestimated. It postulates that social workers have equal opportunity to draw from practice the values that bring about positive societal changes. Organisations and institutions have a role to play in this regard. It is the role of the service institutions in Kenya to promote ideas, concepts and systems that embrace innovative approaches which enhance sustainable development. This paper looks at how alliances can be effective in promoting the principles of innovative social work practices and sustainable development in Kenya. The role of research in social work forms the basis of the conceptual analysis for the discussion. Various concepts that enhance or hinder innovative social work approaches and sustainable development are also discussed. The achievement of national and international development goals like Kenya Vision 2030 and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) largely depends on the creativity and innovation of social approaches and strategies. This paper strives to lift up the paradigm shift of social work education and practice as envisaged by social workers in Kenya and suggest possible intervention strategies necessary for co-building a new eco-social world. The author uses documentary analysis to explore challenges encountered and possible solutions. Empirical data was collected between March and May 2022 through semi-structured interviews with social workers, literature review and document analysis. This article recommends a strategic focus on the modalities and components of social work interventions as a way of enhancing the outcomes of co-building a new eco-social world.
{"title":"Relationship between Social Work, Alliances, and Inclusivity: Way Forward for a New Eco-Social impact in Kenya","authors":"John Mathenge King’au, P. M. Mwanzia","doi":"10.37284/ijgg.1.1.805","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37284/ijgg.1.1.805","url":null,"abstract":"Alliances and inclusivity for social work have become increasingly important in the recent past as implementing agencies seek to realise sustainable development from engagement and facilitation of communities. The current scenario of social education and practices has largely encountered aspects of exclusion and non-sustainability. The role of social work for innovation and sustainable development cannot be underestimated. It postulates that social workers have equal opportunity to draw from practice the values that bring about positive societal changes. Organisations and institutions have a role to play in this regard. It is the role of the service institutions in Kenya to promote ideas, concepts and systems that embrace innovative approaches which enhance sustainable development. This paper looks at how alliances can be effective in promoting the principles of innovative social work practices and sustainable development in Kenya. The role of research in social work forms the basis of the conceptual analysis for the discussion. Various concepts that enhance or hinder innovative social work approaches and sustainable development are also discussed. The achievement of national and international development goals like Kenya Vision 2030 and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) largely depends on the creativity and innovation of social approaches and strategies. This paper strives to lift up the paradigm shift of social work education and practice as envisaged by social workers in Kenya and suggest possible intervention strategies necessary for co-building a new eco-social world. The author uses documentary analysis to explore challenges encountered and possible solutions. Empirical data was collected between March and May 2022 through semi-structured interviews with social workers, literature review and document analysis. This article recommends a strategic focus on the modalities and components of social work interventions as a way of enhancing the outcomes of co-building a new eco-social world.","PeriodicalId":136451,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Geopolitics and Governance","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125489382","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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