There is much discussion in the United States about exclusionary discipline (suspensions and expulsions) in schools. According to a 2014 report from the U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights, Black students represent 15% of students, but 44% of students suspended more than once and 36% of expelled students. This analysis uses seven years of individual infraction-level data from public schools in Arkansas. We find that marginalized students are more likely to receive exclusionary discipline, even after controlling for the nature and number of disciplinary referrals, but that most of the differences occur across rather than within schools. Across the state, black students are about 2.4 times as likely to receive exclusionary discipline (conditional on reported infractions and other student characteristics) whereas within school, this same conditional disparity is not statistically significant. Within schools, the disproportionalities in exclusionary discipline are driven primarily by non-race factors such as free- and reduced-price lunch (FRL) eligibility and special education status. We find, not surprisingly, that schools with larger proportions of non-White students tend to give out longer punishments, regardless of school income levels, measured by FRL rates. Combined, these results appear to indicate multiple tiers of disadvantage: race drives most of the disparities across schools, whereas within schools, FRL or special education status may matter more.
{"title":"Disparate Use of Exclusionary Discipline: Evidence on Inequities in School Discipline from a U.S. State","authors":"Kaitlin P. Anderson, Gary W. Ritter","doi":"10.14507/EPAA.25.2787","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14507/EPAA.25.2787","url":null,"abstract":"There is much discussion in the United States about exclusionary discipline (suspensions and expulsions) in schools. According to a 2014 report from the U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights, Black students represent 15% of students, but 44% of students suspended more than once and 36% of expelled students. This analysis uses seven years of individual infraction-level data from public schools in Arkansas. We find that marginalized students are more likely to receive exclusionary discipline, even after controlling for the nature and number of disciplinary referrals, but that most of the differences occur across rather than within schools. Across the state, black students are about 2.4 times as likely to receive exclusionary discipline (conditional on reported infractions and other student characteristics) whereas within school, this same conditional disparity is not statistically significant. Within schools, the disproportionalities in exclusionary discipline are driven primarily by non-race factors such as free- and reduced-price lunch (FRL) eligibility and special education status. We find, not surprisingly, that schools with larger proportions of non-White students tend to give out longer punishments, regardless of school income levels, measured by FRL rates. Combined, these results appear to indicate multiple tiers of disadvantage: race drives most of the disparities across schools, whereas within schools, FRL or special education status may matter more.","PeriodicalId":137537,"journal":{"name":"AARN: Race","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122377088","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study uses census microdata from 1960 to 2010 to look at the rates of suburbanization in the 100 largest metro areas. Looking at the racial and ethnic composition of the population, and then further breaking down these groups by income, it’s clear that more affluent people were more likely to move to the suburbs. Also, the White non-Hispanic population has long been the most suburbanized group. A majority of the White population lived in suburbs by 1960 in the 100 largest metro areas, while most of the Black non-Hispanic population lived in urban core areas as late as 2000. The Hispanic and Asian populations went from majority urban to majority suburban during this period.
{"title":"Urban-Suburban Migration in the United States, 1955-2000","authors":"Todd Gardner","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2726211","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2726211","url":null,"abstract":"This study uses census microdata from 1960 to 2010 to look at the rates of suburbanization in the 100 largest metro areas. Looking at the racial and ethnic composition of the population, and then further breaking down these groups by income, it’s clear that more affluent people were more likely to move to the suburbs. Also, the White non-Hispanic population has long been the most suburbanized group. A majority of the White population lived in suburbs by 1960 in the 100 largest metro areas, while most of the Black non-Hispanic population lived in urban core areas as late as 2000. The Hispanic and Asian populations went from majority urban to majority suburban during this period.","PeriodicalId":137537,"journal":{"name":"AARN: Race","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134177358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Entrepreneurship has gained interest in previous few decades and it is considered as an important factor in economic growth of the country (Wong, Ho & Autio, 2005). Prevalent economic, social and political conditions have increased necessity of flourishing entrepreneurial culture (Amin and Tomaney, 1991; Thomas, 2000). The government has been taking many initiatives for this purpose, including most recent youth loan scheme (Abbasi, 2014). However, success ratio of such schemes remained low (Mian, 2014). One major reason of failure of these initiatives was lack of skills as identified by informal conversations. This lead to identify set of skills that can be useful in launching business successfully at very initial stages. Establishing a set of skills will not only help in establishing a criterion for considering young entrants for youth schemes who possess a certain level of these skills. Establishment of set of skills will also help to provide evaluation criteria for students graduating from business schools thus helping to find level of skills in them and to work in areas that need improvement. This will ultimately help curriculum developers to integrate these skills in curriculum. The policy makers will be able to use this set of skills as criteria for pre-policy measure while working on flourishing entrepreneurial niche.The entrepreneurial skills are affected by many factors, including environment, geography, social and cultural values (Blume & Covin, 2011) education and training. Other example include a study carried out by Ahmad (2007) on cross cultural study on entrepreneurial competencies among Australian and Malaysian businessmen, reports that entrepreneurial competencies are context-specific and change with the changing business environment and cultural orientation. Similar results have been reported by Phillips (2008), Chaston (2009) Ahmad, Ramayah, Wilson, and Kummerow (2010). More studies has been carried out to identify effect of culture on entrepreneurial skills examples include work presented by Busenitz, Gomez, & Spencer, 2000; Lee & Peterson, (2000), Mueller & Thomas, (2001) and Noorderhaven, et al (2004). This lead to rationale of the study emphasizing to identify set of entrepreneurial skills that is more appropriate in local settings.
{"title":"Development of Entrepreneurial Skills Web in Indigenous Context","authors":"Fariha Gull","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2700780","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2700780","url":null,"abstract":"Entrepreneurship has gained interest in previous few decades and it is considered as an important factor in economic growth of the country (Wong, Ho & Autio, 2005). Prevalent economic, social and political conditions have increased necessity of flourishing entrepreneurial culture (Amin and Tomaney, 1991; Thomas, 2000). The government has been taking many initiatives for this purpose, including most recent youth loan scheme (Abbasi, 2014). However, success ratio of such schemes remained low (Mian, 2014). One major reason of failure of these initiatives was lack of skills as identified by informal conversations. This lead to identify set of skills that can be useful in launching business successfully at very initial stages. Establishing a set of skills will not only help in establishing a criterion for considering young entrants for youth schemes who possess a certain level of these skills. Establishment of set of skills will also help to provide evaluation criteria for students graduating from business schools thus helping to find level of skills in them and to work in areas that need improvement. This will ultimately help curriculum developers to integrate these skills in curriculum. The policy makers will be able to use this set of skills as criteria for pre-policy measure while working on flourishing entrepreneurial niche.The entrepreneurial skills are affected by many factors, including environment, geography, social and cultural values (Blume & Covin, 2011) education and training. Other example include a study carried out by Ahmad (2007) on cross cultural study on entrepreneurial competencies among Australian and Malaysian businessmen, reports that entrepreneurial competencies are context-specific and change with the changing business environment and cultural orientation. Similar results have been reported by Phillips (2008), Chaston (2009) Ahmad, Ramayah, Wilson, and Kummerow (2010). More studies has been carried out to identify effect of culture on entrepreneurial skills examples include work presented by Busenitz, Gomez, & Spencer, 2000; Lee & Peterson, (2000), Mueller & Thomas, (2001) and Noorderhaven, et al (2004). This lead to rationale of the study emphasizing to identify set of entrepreneurial skills that is more appropriate in local settings.","PeriodicalId":137537,"journal":{"name":"AARN: Race","volume":"111 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-12-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122068062","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
To the unfamiliar, communities living in Meghalaya appear to be homogenous ones. In reality, however, they are socially, politically and culturally not only heterogeneous but are also defined by distinct tribal and clan markers. Three major tribes– the Khasi, the Garo, and the Jaintia, dominate the state. Each of them had their own kingdoms until they were brought under the British colonial administration in the 19th century. Consequently, after independence, these tribes and their territories were merged with undivided Assam, and then carved out as a full-fledged state of Meghalaya in 1972. Soon after attaining statehood, tensions cropped up between the indigenous communities and migrants mainly over the issue of economic opportunity. However, these days, it has slowly shifted towards the internal feuds among the indigenous tribes and separate demand for states within the state. With this background, the paper attempts to analyse the causes and consequences of autonomy demands asserted by different communities/tribes within the state.
{"title":"Economics, Ethnicity and Autonomy Movement in Meghalaya: An Analysis","authors":"K. Singha, P. Nayak","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2596489","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2596489","url":null,"abstract":"To the unfamiliar, communities living in Meghalaya appear to be homogenous ones. In reality, however, they are socially, politically and culturally not only heterogeneous but are also defined by distinct tribal and clan markers. Three major tribes– the Khasi, the Garo, and the Jaintia, dominate the state. Each of them had their own kingdoms until they were brought under the British colonial administration in the 19th century. Consequently, after independence, these tribes and their territories were merged with undivided Assam, and then carved out as a full-fledged state of Meghalaya in 1972. Soon after attaining statehood, tensions cropped up between the indigenous communities and migrants mainly over the issue of economic opportunity. However, these days, it has slowly shifted towards the internal feuds among the indigenous tribes and separate demand for states within the state. With this background, the paper attempts to analyse the causes and consequences of autonomy demands asserted by different communities/tribes within the state.","PeriodicalId":137537,"journal":{"name":"AARN: Race","volume":"89 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128578292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-02-01DOI: 10.1017/S0022050717000079
Trevon Logan, John M. Parman
This paper introduces a new measure of residential segregation based on individual-level data. We exploit complete census manuscript files to derive a measure of segregation based upon the racial similarity of next-door neighbors. Our measure allows us to analyze segregation consistently and comprehensively for all areas in the United States and allows for a richer view of the variation in segregation across time and space. We show that the fineness of our measure reveals aspects of racial sorting that cannot be captured by traditional segregation indices. Our measure can distinguish between the effects of increasing racial homogeneity of a location and the tendency to segregate within a location given a particular racial composition. Analysis of neighbor-based segregation over time establishes several new facts about segregation. First, segregation doubled nationally from 1880 to 1940. Second, contrary to previous estimates, we find that urban areas in the South were the most segregated in the country and remained so over time. Third, the dramatic increase in segregation in the twentieth century was not driven by urbanization, black migratory patterns, or white flight to suburban areas, but rather resulted from a national increase in racial sorting at the household level. The likelihood that an African American household had a non-African American neighbor declined by more than 15 percentage points (more than a 25% decrease) through the mid-twentieth century. In all areas of the United States -- North and South, urban and rural -- racial segregation increased dramatically.
{"title":"The National Rise in Residential Segregation","authors":"Trevon Logan, John M. Parman","doi":"10.1017/S0022050717000079","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022050717000079","url":null,"abstract":"This paper introduces a new measure of residential segregation based on individual-level data. We exploit complete census manuscript files to derive a measure of segregation based upon the racial similarity of next-door neighbors. Our measure allows us to analyze segregation consistently and comprehensively for all areas in the United States and allows for a richer view of the variation in segregation across time and space. We show that the fineness of our measure reveals aspects of racial sorting that cannot be captured by traditional segregation indices. Our measure can distinguish between the effects of increasing racial homogeneity of a location and the tendency to segregate within a location given a particular racial composition. Analysis of neighbor-based segregation over time establishes several new facts about segregation. First, segregation doubled nationally from 1880 to 1940. Second, contrary to previous estimates, we find that urban areas in the South were the most segregated in the country and remained so over time. Third, the dramatic increase in segregation in the twentieth century was not driven by urbanization, black migratory patterns, or white flight to suburban areas, but rather resulted from a national increase in racial sorting at the household level. The likelihood that an African American household had a non-African American neighbor declined by more than 15 percentage points (more than a 25% decrease) through the mid-twentieth century. In all areas of the United States -- North and South, urban and rural -- racial segregation increased dramatically.","PeriodicalId":137537,"journal":{"name":"AARN: Race","volume":"58 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121915245","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The United States Supreme Court, in McCutcheon v. Federal Election Commission, eliminated the authority of the FEC to limit the aggregate donations made by individuals. Now, a donor’s total giving was limited only by a) the limit on the amount they could give to a single candidate, and b) the number of candidates they chose to give to. This paper attempts to analyze patterns of donor giving to determine if the McCutcheon decision has had a crowding-out effect on minority dollars. It then places this decision in a critical context, suggesting that the decision is the new, more respectable, less overt version of Jim Crow - a law designed to ensure that white supremacy, in political and economic terms, remains the law of the land, even as Americans of European descent become a numerical minority.
{"title":"Fear-Driven Jurisprudence: McCutcheon and Unlimited Campaign Contributions as Mechanisms for Entrenching White Supremacy","authors":"Matthew Reid Krell","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2545716","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2545716","url":null,"abstract":"The United States Supreme Court, in McCutcheon v. Federal Election Commission, eliminated the authority of the FEC to limit the aggregate donations made by individuals. Now, a donor’s total giving was limited only by a) the limit on the amount they could give to a single candidate, and b) the number of candidates they chose to give to. This paper attempts to analyze patterns of donor giving to determine if the McCutcheon decision has had a crowding-out effect on minority dollars. It then places this decision in a critical context, suggesting that the decision is the new, more respectable, less overt version of Jim Crow - a law designed to ensure that white supremacy, in political and economic terms, remains the law of the land, even as Americans of European descent become a numerical minority.","PeriodicalId":137537,"journal":{"name":"AARN: Race","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114836447","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jeanet Sinding Bentzen, J. Hariri, James A. Robinson
We document that rules for leadership succession in ethnic societies that antedate the modern state predict contemporary political regimes; leadership selection by election in indigenous societies is associated with contemporary representative democracy. The basic association, however, is conditioned on the relative strength of the indigenous groups within a country; stronger groups seem to have been able to shape national regime trajectories, weaker groups do not. This finding extends and qualifies a substantive qualitative literature, which has found in local democratic institutions of medieval Europe a positive impulse towards the development of representative democracy. It shows that contemporary regimes are shaped not only by colonial history and European influence; indigenous history also matters. For practitioners, our findings suggest that external reformers' capacity for regime-building should not be exaggerated.
{"title":"The Indigenous Roots of Representative Democracy","authors":"Jeanet Sinding Bentzen, J. Hariri, James A. Robinson","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2553916","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2553916","url":null,"abstract":"We document that rules for leadership succession in ethnic societies that antedate the modern state predict contemporary political regimes; leadership selection by election in indigenous societies is associated with contemporary representative democracy. The basic association, however, is conditioned on the relative strength of the indigenous groups within a country; stronger groups seem to have been able to shape national regime trajectories, weaker groups do not. This finding extends and qualifies a substantive qualitative literature, which has found in local democratic institutions of medieval Europe a positive impulse towards the development of representative democracy. It shows that contemporary regimes are shaped not only by colonial history and European influence; indigenous history also matters. For practitioners, our findings suggest that external reformers' capacity for regime-building should not be exaggerated.","PeriodicalId":137537,"journal":{"name":"AARN: Race","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129585090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-03-27DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199334278.003.0010
P. Drahoš
Indigenous people face problems of economic underdevelopment, including in wealthy states such as Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States. The knowledge assets of indigenous people form a potential source of income, but this potential has largely not been realized because of extractive state property orders. Drawing on fieldwork from Australia, the paper argues that indigenous people are addressing the problem of extractive intellectual property orders through developmental networks that protect their knowledge assets. The paper provides examples of how an indigenous developmental network can build capacity and trust by enrolling scientists into its network.
{"title":"Indigenous Developmental Networks and the Non-Developmental State: Making Intellectual Property Work for Indigenous People Without Patents","authors":"P. Drahoš","doi":"10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199334278.003.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199334278.003.0010","url":null,"abstract":"Indigenous people face problems of economic underdevelopment, including in wealthy states such as Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States. The knowledge assets of indigenous people form a potential source of income, but this potential has largely not been realized because of extractive state property orders. Drawing on fieldwork from Australia, the paper argues that indigenous people are addressing the problem of extractive intellectual property orders through developmental networks that protect their knowledge assets. The paper provides examples of how an indigenous developmental network can build capacity and trust by enrolling scientists into its network.","PeriodicalId":137537,"journal":{"name":"AARN: Race","volume":"83 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132791906","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Property is a crucial means by which space is made, and remade. This is powerfully evident in settler societies, such as British Columbia, Canada. To understand the work that it does requires us to attend to the manner in which it is entangled in and constitutive of a multitude of relations (ethical, practical, historical, semantic and so on). Yet for property to function, some of these relationships must be bracketed. That which is designated as inside a boundary must be partly disentangled from that identified as outside. Property practice and theory helps organize these exclusions. Yet this is not disinterested: Property’s frames, therefore, can become political battle lines. Drawing from a modern-day treaty process involving indigenous communities and the federal and provincial governments in British Columbia, Canada, I trace the ways in which the state has sought to disentangle property from its recently re-emergent colonial entanglements. One of the ways in which it has done this is to insist that First Nations hold their treaty settlement lands as a form of fee simple, this being bracketed as a clear and certain entitlement, replacing a messier ‘Aboriginal title’. First Nations negotiators, however, have pushed back, re-entangling fee simple in culture, politics and place. I explore the performative use of categorization on the part of the Crown in their attempt at re-framing fee simple as ‘simple’. Apart from documenting this understudied postcolonial moment, I also encourage geographers to recognize the important work that property does in making space. To do so, I theorize property as an effect, performed through multiple technical and categorical enactments.
{"title":"The Ties that Blind: Making Fee Simple in the British Columbia Treaty Process","authors":"N. Blomley","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2396668","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2396668","url":null,"abstract":"Property is a crucial means by which space is made, and remade. This is powerfully evident in settler societies, such as British Columbia, Canada. To understand the work that it does requires us to attend to the manner in which it is entangled in and constitutive of a multitude of relations (ethical, practical, historical, semantic and so on). Yet for property to function, some of these relationships must be bracketed. That which is designated as inside a boundary must be partly disentangled from that identified as outside. Property practice and theory helps organize these exclusions. Yet this is not disinterested: Property’s frames, therefore, can become political battle lines. Drawing from a modern-day treaty process involving indigenous communities and the federal and provincial governments in British Columbia, Canada, I trace the ways in which the state has sought to disentangle property from its recently re-emergent colonial entanglements. One of the ways in which it has done this is to insist that First Nations hold their treaty settlement lands as a form of fee simple, this being bracketed as a clear and certain entitlement, replacing a messier ‘Aboriginal title’. First Nations negotiators, however, have pushed back, re-entangling fee simple in culture, politics and place. I explore the performative use of categorization on the part of the Crown in their attempt at re-framing fee simple as ‘simple’. Apart from documenting this understudied postcolonial moment, I also encourage geographers to recognize the important work that property does in making space. To do so, I theorize property as an effect, performed through multiple technical and categorical enactments.","PeriodicalId":137537,"journal":{"name":"AARN: Race","volume":"47 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122535029","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Minority and black owned banks were significantly less likely to receive funds from the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) Community Development Capital Initiative (CDCI). A non-minority bank with the median characteristics was approximately ten times more likely to obtain TARP funds than an African American owned bank after controlling for other factors. We also find prior TARP recipients and banks with fewer troubled assets were more likely to obtain money from this program.
{"title":"Minority Ownership and TARP Investments","authors":"Lucas Puente, Linus Wilson","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2247043","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2247043","url":null,"abstract":"Minority and black owned banks were significantly less likely to receive funds from the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) Community Development Capital Initiative (CDCI). A non-minority bank with the median characteristics was approximately ten times more likely to obtain TARP funds than an African American owned bank after controlling for other factors. We also find prior TARP recipients and banks with fewer troubled assets were more likely to obtain money from this program.","PeriodicalId":137537,"journal":{"name":"AARN: Race","volume":"120 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122243556","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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