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The Politics of Language in Puerto Rico最新文献

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Creating a Bilingual Citizenry 创建双语公民
Pub Date : 2020-01-06 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvx1hsm4.16
A. A. Barreto
As the PNP upped the ante with official bilingualism, statehood opponents countered with nationalist performances: testifying before Congress in Spanish despite their fluency in English. For many federal lawmakers this gesture conjured images of Québécois nationalism. Departing from the Civic Creed, English language advocates lauded the indivisible link between the English language and statehood. Official bilingualism was not enough. Therefore in 1996 the Rosselló administration launched an initiative promoting a new bilingual citizenry via the school system. Eerily reminiscent of Americanization, this aggressive push favoring English was not designed to appease voters but to influence Congress. This was the PNP’s new nested game. Despite their efforts the PNP lost the 1998 status plebiscite. Unhappy with the statehood party, most of the electorate opted to vote for ‘none of the above.’
随着新国家党加大官方双语的力度,反对独立的人以民族主义的表现进行反击:尽管英语流利,但他们在国会面前用西班牙语作证。对许多联邦议员来说,这一姿态让人想起了美国人的民族主义。与公民信条不同,英语的倡导者称赞英语与国家地位之间不可分割的联系。官方双语是不够的。因此,1996年Rosselló政府发起了一项倡议,通过学校系统促进新的双语公民。这让人想起了美国化,这种对英语的积极推动不是为了安抚选民,而是为了影响国会。这是PNP的新嵌套博弈。尽管他们做出了努力,新国民党还是在1998年的地位公投中失败了。由于对建国党不满,大多数选民选择“以上都不选”。
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引用次数: 0
Back Matter 回到问题
Pub Date : 2020-01-06 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvx1hsm4.30
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引用次数: 0
Restoring Official Bilingualism 恢复官方双语
Pub Date : 2020-01-06 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvx1hsm4.15
A. A. Barreto
While the PPD methodically debated the pros and cons of official unilingualism their PNP rivals, who won the 1992 elections, restored bilingualism within weeks of taking office. The PNP’s rush became apparent when Gov. Pedro Rosselló announced the promotion of a new status plebiscite. As Congress took up the status question in 1993, PNP delegates flashed the new language law as a clear sign of loyalty to the US. That move failed to sway many federal lawmakers who repeatedly brought up the connection between the Spanish language and Puerto Rican identity, along with the low rates of English-language fluency on the island. At this juncture English-language activists from the US mainland began interjecting themselves in the island’s status debates during the English-only movement, reiterating the tight bonds between American-ness and the de facto US vernacular. Although out of office, Commonwealth supporters won the 1993 status plebiscite.
当人民民主党有条不紊地就官方单一语言的利弊进行辩论时,他们的竞争对手人民国民党赢得了1992年的选举,在上台几周内就恢复了双语。当佩德罗州长Rosselló宣布推动一项新的地位公投时,新国家党的匆忙变得显而易见。1993年,当美国国会开始讨论地位问题时,PNP的代表们拿出了新的语言法,作为对美国忠诚的明确标志。这一举措未能打动许多联邦议员,他们一再提出西班牙语与波多黎各人身份之间的联系,以及该岛英语流利程度较低的问题。在这个关键时刻,来自美国大陆的英语活动人士开始在“只讲英语”运动中介入台湾的地位辩论,重申美国特性与事实上的美国方言之间的紧密联系。尽管已经下台,英联邦的支持者还是赢得了1993年的地位公投。
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引用次数: 0
Appendix 2 附录2
Pub Date : 2020-01-06 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvx1hsm4.20
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引用次数: 0
Congress and Conflicting Notions of American Identity 国会与相互冲突的美国身份观念
Pub Date : 2020-01-06 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvx1hsm4.14
A. A. Barreto
The PPD’s decision to back unilingualism as a step towards sabotaging congressional support for Puerto Rico’s statehood is based on an assumption that the official narrative boasting American identity’s non-ascriptive nature is inaccurate. Scholars studying American national identity generally fall into one of three schools of thought: the civic, the ethnic, and a civic-ethnic hybrid. Arguably Eric Kaufmann provided the most realistic interpretation of this identity. He suggested that American identity consists of a civic wrapping covering over an ethno-cultural core. Such a duality helps to explain fundamentally different approaches by the PNP and PPD. The former appeals to the public-facing civic side while the PPD, through official unilingualism, sought to animate American identity’s ethnic core. While Puerto Ricans downplay their cultural nationalism, many on the mainland, particularly in Congress, see it as a threat. This is precisely what the PPD was banking on in 1991.
波多黎各民主党决定支持单一语言主义,以此作为破坏国会对波多黎各建国支持的一步,这是基于一个假设,即吹嘘美国身份非归属性质的官方叙述是不准确的。研究美国民族认同的学者通常分为三种思想流派:公民派、民族派和公民-民族混合派。可以说,埃里克·考夫曼(Eric Kaufmann)对这一身份提供了最现实的解释。他认为,美国人的身份认同是一种覆盖在民族文化核心之上的公民外衣。这种对偶性有助于解释PNP和PPD的根本不同方法。前者吸引面向公众的公民方面,而民主党则通过官方的单一语言主义,试图激活美国身份的种族核心。虽然波多黎各人淡化了他们的文化民族主义,但美国大陆上的许多人,尤其是国会议员,将其视为一种威胁。这正是PPD在1991年所指望的。
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引用次数: 0
Culture, Policy, and Nested Games 文化、政策和嵌套游戏
Pub Date : 2020-01-06 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvx1hsm4.13
A. A. Barreto
Members of all three political parties suggested that Governor Hernández-Colón was primarily interested in sending Congress a message—and a cultural one at that. Such an intent, if true, is still inconsistent with classic assumptions of a political party’s rational behavior. But there is an alternative logical explanation, within the rational choice framework, to Downs’s assumption of vote-maximizing behavior. As George Tsebelis contended, a nested game consists of public-facing game masking another game outside the limelight. Under this proposal a decision, even an unpopular one that costs an election, is logical so long as it furthers an actor’s non-electoral goals. In this case the PPD sought to wave the banner of Puerto Rican identity, even in its soft-core cultural form, to thwart their statehood foes in the one body empowered to change the island’s status—the US Congress.
三个政党的成员都认为Hernández-Colón州长主要是想向国会传达一个信息——一个文化上的信息。这样的意图,如果是真的,仍然不符合政党理性行为的经典假设。但是,在理性选择框架内,对于唐斯关于投票最大化行为的假设,还有另一种逻辑解释。正如George Tsebelis所主张的,一个嵌套的游戏包含了面向公众的游戏去掩盖另一个在聚光灯下的游戏。在这个提议下,一个决定,即使是一个不受欢迎的决定,只要它能促进一个行动者的非选举目标,也是合乎逻辑的。在这种情况下,人民民主党试图挥舞波多黎各身份的旗帜,即使是在其软核心文化形式中,以挫败他们在一个有权改变该岛地位的机构-美国国会中的国家敌人。
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引用次数: 0
The Power of English 英语的力量
Pub Date : 2019-11-27 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvw04h4h.9
Frank van Splunder
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引用次数: 2
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The Politics of Language in Puerto Rico
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