Pub Date : 2017-05-19DOI: 10.1177/1522637917707209
K. Staudt
Jeannine Relly and Celeste González de Bustamante have woven together multiple literatures in theoretically informed scholarship to analyze one of the most important challenges for the contemporary global world: the human rights and security of those involved in disseminating news analyses, so essential to democratic accountability. Given their binational perspectives, I respond with grassroots borderlands perspectives on the challenges and on an essential but understudied element in our globalized world, that of cross-border collective action among nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Alas, all too little research exists in this area, so the authors are to be commended for their complex analysis that moves understanding and action forward. In this essay, I unpack the United States, Mexico, and the in-between spaces in the borderlands, and changing contexts. I highlight the ways that the United States and its policies share some responsibility for the problems that the authors outline, particularly the longest running war ever, the War on Drugs, which incentivizes suppliers and their collaborators to behave brutally to gain enormous profits from the huge U.S. market and suppress news about their dastardly deeds. The monograph is useful to students, scholars, and activists not only for its deep knowledge of Mexico but also for possible replication elsewhere in other parts of the world. Using a comprehensive and a highly credible, in-depth mixed-methods approach, the authors interviewed a purposive sample of 33 people from five different types of relevant organizations. Having methodically analyzed the stages associated with human organizing for concrete change, their findings about ambivalent outcomes can only leave readers wondering about the ability and willingness of the Mexican government to implement its “Protection Measures” for journalists facing threats. While the murders and disappearances of journalists have gone down since new instruments were put into place, the number of reports of threats and assaults is increasing. Perhaps an even bigger framework is in order, one that draws in the United States and U.S. policies, as well as people active in cross-border solidarity.
Jeannine Relly和Celeste González de Bustamante在理论知识的学术研究中结合了多种文献来分析当代全球世界最重要的挑战之一:参与传播新闻分析的人的人权和安全，这对民主问责制至关重要。鉴于他们的两国视角，我将以草根边境人的视角来回应这些挑战，以及我们全球化世界中一个重要但尚未得到充分研究的因素，即非政府组织(ngo)之间的跨境集体行动。唉，这个领域的研究太少了，所以作者们的复杂分析推动了人们的理解和行动，值得称赞。在这篇文章中，我剖析了美国、墨西哥和边境地带的中间地带，以及不断变化的语境。我强调了美国及其政策对作者概述的问题负有一定责任的方式，特别是有史以来持续时间最长的战争，毒品战争，它激励供应商及其合作者采取残酷行为，从巨大的美国市场中获得巨额利润，并压制有关他们卑鄙行为的新闻。这本专著对学生、学者和活动人士都很有用，不仅因为它对墨西哥的深入了解，还因为它有可能在世界其他地方复制。作者采用全面、高度可信、深入的混合方法，采访了来自五种不同类型的相关组织的33名有目的的样本。在系统地分析了人类组织具体变革的相关阶段后，他们关于矛盾结果的发现只会让读者怀疑墨西哥政府对面临威胁的记者实施“保护措施”的能力和意愿。自从实施新手段以来，记者被谋杀和失踪的情况有所减少，但有关威胁和攻击的报告数量却在增加。也许一个更大的框架正在形成，它将美国和美国的政策，以及积极参与跨境团结的人们都纳入其中。
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Pub Date : 2017-05-19DOI: 10.1177/1522637917707210
Rune Ottosen
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Pub Date : 2017-05-19DOI: 10.1177/1522637917702618
Jeannine E. Relly, Celeste González de Bustamante
Violence against journalists has emerged as a global human rights issue as the number of those killed in the profession has steadily risen in the new millennium. This research utilized a collective action framework, applying an adapted qualitative network model to examine organizational mobilization, transnational and domestic engagement, normative appeals, information dissemination, lobbying, and prospects for institutional and societal change. Through the Mexico case model application, the study found that instrumental change occurred through adoption of legal and policy institutions. Future research should expand upon social change measurements utilized in this study. We conclude the model can be adapted and utilized in other country cases or in cross-national research.
{"title":"Global and Domestic Networks Advancing Prospects for Institutional and Social Change: The Collective Action Response to Violence Against Journalists","authors":"Jeannine E. Relly, Celeste González de Bustamante","doi":"10.1177/1522637917702618","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1522637917702618","url":null,"abstract":"Violence against journalists has emerged as a global human rights issue as the number of those killed in the profession has steadily risen in the new millennium. This research utilized a collective action framework, applying an adapted qualitative network model to examine organizational mobilization, transnational and domestic engagement, normative appeals, information dissemination, lobbying, and prospects for institutional and societal change. Through the Mexico case model application, the study found that instrumental change occurred through adoption of legal and policy institutions. Future research should expand upon social change measurements utilized in this study. We conclude the model can be adapted and utilized in other country cases or in cross-national research.","PeriodicalId":147592,"journal":{"name":"Journalism & Mass Communication Monographs","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127720310","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-03-01DOI: 10.1177/1522637916687320
Gregory A. Borchard
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Pub Date : 2017-02-06DOI: 10.1177/1522637916687321
David O. Dowling
This monograph examines New-York Tribune editor Horace Greeley’s support of radical intellectual culture throughout his influential journalistic career, from the antebellum era to the Gilded Age. His early interest in alternatives to the unregulated free market led him to charismatic figures like Ralph Waldo Emerson, who questioned the tenets of laissez-faire capitalism and lamented its impact on politics and culture. Emerson’s followers included Associationists, those who sought to place nature at the center of life as an agricultural resource and to return to humanistic values threatened by the Industrial Revolution. In the pages of the Tribune, Greeley leveraged Associationists’ attack on economic inequality to advance his crusade against unemployment and labor exploitation, including Southern slavery. Publicity campaigns on behalf of economic reform appeared during three key phases of his career. In his weekly New-Yorker, Greeley promoted Emerson and his followers including Associationist radicals during the antebellum period. During the Civil War, he provided a platform for the editorials of Karl Marx. During the Gilded Age, Greeley’s final attempt to realize his socialist utopian vision was the Union Colony, an ill-fated collectivist frontier establishment led by his Tribune agricultural editor Nathan Meeker. Greeley’s relationship with Emerson inspired his willingness to use the Tribune to publicize each era’s most controversial critics of capitalism. This research traces the socialist threads in the tapestry of press history and the promotional apparatus that brought radical intellectual culture into prominence in American life.
这本专著考察了《纽约论坛报》(new york Tribune)编辑贺拉斯·格里利(Horace Greeley)在其颇具影响力的记者生涯中，从南北战争前的时代到镀金时代，对激进知识分子文化的支持。他早期对替代不受监管的自由市场的兴趣，使他认识了拉尔夫·沃尔多·爱默生(Ralph Waldo Emerson)等有魅力的人物，爱默生质疑自由放任资本主义的原则，并哀叹其对政治和文化的影响。爱默生的追随者包括联合主义者，这些人试图将自然作为农业资源置于生活的中心，并回归到受到工业革命威胁的人文价值。在《论坛报》的版面上，格里利利用协会主义者对经济不平等的攻击来推进他对失业和劳动剥削的讨伐，包括南方奴隶制。代表经济改革的宣传活动出现在他职业生涯的三个关键阶段。在他的《纽约客》周刊中，格里利在南北战争前宣传爱默生和他的追随者，包括协会主义激进分子。在内战期间，他为卡尔·马克思的社论提供了一个平台。在镀金时代，格里利最后一次尝试实现他的社会主义乌托邦愿景是联合殖民地，这是一个命运多端的集体主义边境机构，由他的《论坛报》农业编辑内森·米克尔领导。格里利与爱默生的关系促使他愿意利用《论坛报》来宣传每个时代最具争议的资本主义批评者。这项研究追溯了新闻界历史和宣传机构中社会主义的线索，这些宣传机构将激进的知识分子文化带入了美国生活的突出地位。
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Pub Date : 2016-11-04DOI: 10.1177/1522637916672458
Dolores Flamiano
This monograph by Ana Garner and Angela Michel reveals dominant themes in media coverage of contraception from 1873 to 2013. Ambitious in scope, the study provides a valuable and often fascinating bird’s eye view of this still-relevant topic. By examining the latent meaning in 3,604 newspaper stories, editorials, and letters to the editor, Garner and Michel create a picture—in broad brushstrokes—of contraception coverage as cultural narrative. They include enough well-chosen details about specific events and individuals to inspire future researchers. Ultimately, however, the biggest contribution of Garner and Michel’s work is to identify trends over time, although they do not analyze them in depth or detail. The study focuses on coverage in the New York Times, the Chicago Tribune, and the Los Angeles Times, newspapers that belong to the so-called “prestige press.” One problem with this approach is that it runs the risk of treating a narrow slice of the media pie as synonymous with “media coverage.” In fact, such studies give us at best a partial view of reality, one that reflects the structural biases of the prestige press: Male-dominated, elite, and privileging those in power. Garner and Michel acknowledge that many voices have been systematically omitted from “newspapers of record”: Women, minorities, working class, poor, immigrants, and so forth. Despite this recognition of bias and omission, they sometimes treat the results of their study as generalizable to a larger, more diverse, and inclusive population. Although it’s essential to identify the constraints and perils of elite newspaper coverage of any given topic, it’s even more imperative with a topic like contraception, which is entwined with the politics of race, class, and gender. Perhaps the greatest peril lies in adopting a narrow frame of reference that is widely viewed as authoritative. Consequently, one runs the risk of reproducing the dominant rhetoric, along with existing power relations and blind spots. Nevertheless, one can still ask how an overview of 140 years of birth control coverage in the prestige press helps us understand cultural narratives about contraception. What’s the takeaway, and how can it inform future research into birth control coverage in the media? This response will focus on (a) contraception as a cultural battleground, (b) the voices of women in contraception coverage, and (c) the relationship of birth control to eugenics and sterilization.
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Pub Date : 2016-11-04DOI: 10.1177/1522637916672670
John Nerone
Kevin Barnhurst died on June 2, 2016, at the age of 64 of an apparent heart attack. Those who were not close to Kevin were surprised to learn that he had a history of heart trouble; he seemed fit, and even youthful. His death marked the end of a remarkable academic career, the impact of which will continue to unfold. His superb book, Mister Pulitzer and the Spider, was just being printed when he died.Barnhurst entered the field of journalism studies almost accidentally (Barnhurst, 2011). An undergraduate degree in Latin American studies from Brigham Young University (BYU) had led to internships with the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) and the United Nations (UN) but no job; an initial attempt at a master's degree in economics at the University of Maryland had petered out, and instead he earned a master's in communication from BYU. This degree had involved a couple of skills-based courses, which proved to be the ticket to freelance work in design and editing. This is turn led to teaching design and editing, first at Westminster College, a liberal arts college affiliated with the Presbyterian Church, then at Keene State University. While at Keene State he published essays, including one in the American Scholar (Barnhurst, 1982) that caught the eye of James Carey, who nudged the Department of Journalism at the University of Illinois to recruit him to the faculty. This is where I met Kevin: We were assistant professors together in what was then called the College of Communications, now the College of Media.At Illinois, Barnhurst learned to be an academic by emulation. He read broadly, and began sitting in on doctoral seminars. I was a fellow traveler in those days. I'd been hired a short while before Kevin. My background was in history, and I had never taken a course in journalism or communication before being assigned to teach them. Part of my introduction to the field was sitting in, with Kevin, on a seminar in audience studies co-taught by our colleagues Ellen Wartella and Larry Grossberg.Meanwhile, his colleagues in the Journalism department began to signal that he would have trouble getting tenure, and reacted with displeasure when he won a Fulbright to Peru and a coveted Gannett Center fellowship in New York, where he wrote his first book, Seeing the Newspaper (Barnhurst, 1994). Barnhurst responded by moving to Syracuse University. There his book earned him tenure. Shortly after having a massive heart attack, he began a PhD program at the University of Amsterdam. He defended at the end of a year spent writing his dissertation while on sabbatical in Tenerife, then teaching in Syracuse's study abroad program in Madrid. With PhD in hand, he moved to the Chicago campus of the University of Illinois. There he finished another book (Barnhurst & Nerone, 2001), took on administrative duties as director of graduate studies and department head, took the major part in founding a doctoral program, and continued the series of studies that would eventu
凯文·巴恩赫斯特于2016年6月2日因心脏病发作去世，享年64岁。那些和凯文不太亲近的人得知他有心脏病史时都很惊讶;他看起来很健康，甚至还很年轻。他的去世标志着他非凡的学术生涯的结束，其影响将继续显现。他去世时，他的名著《普利策先生和蜘蛛》正在印刷中。Barnhurst进入新闻研究领域几乎是偶然的(Barnhurst, 2011)。杨百翰大学(Brigham Young University)的拉丁美洲研究本科学位让她在美国农业部(USDA)和联合国(UN)实习，但没有找到工作;他最初想在马里兰大学(University of Maryland)攻读经济学硕士学位，但最终以失败告终，转而在杨百翰大学(BYU)获得了传播学硕士学位。这个学位包括了几个技能课程，这被证明是自由设计和编辑工作的入场券。后来，他开始在威斯敏斯特学院(Westminster College)教授设计和编辑，这是一所隶属于长老会(Presbyterian Church)的文理学院，然后在基恩州立大学(Keene State University)任教。在基恩州立大学期间，他发表了多篇论文，其中一篇发表在《美国学者》(Barnhurst, 1982)上，引起了詹姆斯·凯里(James Carey)的注意，后者力劝伊利诺伊大学新闻系招收他为教员。我就是在这里认识凯文的:我们当时都是传播学院的助理教授，现在是媒体学院。在伊利诺斯州，巴恩赫斯特通过模仿学习成为一名学者。他博览群书，开始旁听博士研讨会。在那些日子里，我是一个同路人。我在凯文之前不久就被录用了。我的背景是历史，在被指派教授这些课程之前，我从未上过新闻或传播方面的课程。我对这个领域的初步认识是和凯文一起参加了一个观众研究的研讨会，由我们的同事艾伦·沃特拉和拉里·格罗斯伯格共同教授。与此同时，他在新闻系的同事开始暗示他很难获得终身教职，当他获得秘鲁富布赖特奖学金和纽约甘尼特中心奖学金(他在那里写了他的第一本书《看报纸》(Barnhurst, 1994))时，他的同事们对此表示不满。作为回应，巴恩赫斯特搬到了雪城大学。他的书为他赢得了终身教职。在一次严重的心脏病发作后不久，他开始在阿姆斯特丹大学攻读博士学位。他在特内里费岛(Tenerife)休假期间写了一年的论文，然后在马德里雪城大学(Syracuse)的海外留学项目任教。拿到博士学位后，他搬到了伊利诺伊大学的芝加哥校区。在那里，他完成了另一本书(Barnhurst & Nerone, 2001)，担任研究生研究主任和系主任的行政职责，主要参与建立了一个博士项目，并继续进行最终造就普利策先生的一系列研究。2013年，他搬到了利兹大学，并于2015年退休。除了秘鲁和纽约的奖学金外，他还在意大利做过富布赖特奖学金，在哥本哈根休假，并在哈佛大学做过肖伦斯坦研究员。这些简历数据正确地反映了巴恩赫斯特孜孜不倦的雄心壮志，但却未能展现出使他完美无缺的个人热情和对知识的热情。和他一起工作过的人可能会有不同的印象。他的学生将会记住他非凡的慷慨和他苛刻的严谨。他的合著者——我们是军团——会记住他无情的编辑和无情的重写。他的部门领导们会记得他对正确程序的固执和令人愤怒的坚持。所有人都会承认他的学术工作的重要性。凯文·巴恩赫斯特将作为批判性新闻学发展的重要人物而被人们铭记。他的轨迹始于他的专业设计工作，他的早期作品，包括《看报纸》，都很适合视觉传达的工作轨道。…
{"title":"The Professor and Mr. Pulitzer","authors":"John Nerone","doi":"10.1177/1522637916672670","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1522637916672670","url":null,"abstract":"Kevin Barnhurst died on June 2, 2016, at the age of 64 of an apparent heart attack. Those who were not close to Kevin were surprised to learn that he had a history of heart trouble; he seemed fit, and even youthful. His death marked the end of a remarkable academic career, the impact of which will continue to unfold. His superb book, Mister Pulitzer and the Spider, was just being printed when he died.Barnhurst entered the field of journalism studies almost accidentally (Barnhurst, 2011). An undergraduate degree in Latin American studies from Brigham Young University (BYU) had led to internships with the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) and the United Nations (UN) but no job; an initial attempt at a master's degree in economics at the University of Maryland had petered out, and instead he earned a master's in communication from BYU. This degree had involved a couple of skills-based courses, which proved to be the ticket to freelance work in design and editing. This is turn led to teaching design and editing, first at Westminster College, a liberal arts college affiliated with the Presbyterian Church, then at Keene State University. While at Keene State he published essays, including one in the American Scholar (Barnhurst, 1982) that caught the eye of James Carey, who nudged the Department of Journalism at the University of Illinois to recruit him to the faculty. This is where I met Kevin: We were assistant professors together in what was then called the College of Communications, now the College of Media.At Illinois, Barnhurst learned to be an academic by emulation. He read broadly, and began sitting in on doctoral seminars. I was a fellow traveler in those days. I'd been hired a short while before Kevin. My background was in history, and I had never taken a course in journalism or communication before being assigned to teach them. Part of my introduction to the field was sitting in, with Kevin, on a seminar in audience studies co-taught by our colleagues Ellen Wartella and Larry Grossberg.Meanwhile, his colleagues in the Journalism department began to signal that he would have trouble getting tenure, and reacted with displeasure when he won a Fulbright to Peru and a coveted Gannett Center fellowship in New York, where he wrote his first book, Seeing the Newspaper (Barnhurst, 1994). Barnhurst responded by moving to Syracuse University. There his book earned him tenure. Shortly after having a massive heart attack, he began a PhD program at the University of Amsterdam. He defended at the end of a year spent writing his dissertation while on sabbatical in Tenerife, then teaching in Syracuse's study abroad program in Madrid. With PhD in hand, he moved to the Chicago campus of the University of Illinois. There he finished another book (Barnhurst & Nerone, 2001), took on administrative duties as director of graduate studies and department head, took the major part in founding a doctoral program, and continued the series of studies that would eventu","PeriodicalId":147592,"journal":{"name":"Journalism & Mass Communication Monographs","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126851250","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-11-04DOI: 10.1177/1522637916672457
A. C. Garner, Angela R. Michel
For more than 140 years, religious, medical, legislative, and legal institutions have contested the issue of contraception. In this conversation, predominantly male voices have attached reproductive rights to tangential moral and political matters, revealing an ongoing, systematic attempt to regulate human bodies, especially those of women. This analysis of 1873-2013 press coverage of contraception in the New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, and the Chicago Tribune shows a division between institutional ideology and real-life experience; women’s reproductive rights are negotiable. Although journalists often reported that contraception was a factor in the everyday life of women and men, press accounts also showed religious, medical, legislative, and legal institutions debating whether it should be. Contraception originally was predominately viewed as a practice of prostitutes (despite evidence to the contrary) but became a part of everyday life. The battle has slowly evolved into one about the Affordable Care Act, religious freedom, morality, and employer rights. What did not significantly change over the 140-year period are larger cultural and ideological structures; these continue to be dominated by men, who retain power over women’s bodies.
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Pub Date : 2016-11-04DOI: 10.1177/1522637916672459
Carole R. McCann
{"title":"Situating Contraception in a Broader Historical Formation","authors":"Carole R. McCann","doi":"10.1177/1522637916672459","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/1522637916672459","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":147592,"journal":{"name":"Journalism & Mass Communication Monographs","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123008091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-09-01DOI: 10.1177/1522637916656376
Lana F. Rakow
There is more than a verbal tie between image, imagine, and imaginary to steal from the memorable association that John Dewey made in Democracy and Education (1916) between common, community, and communication. The choice of word sets here is neither accidental nor incidental: The tie between them has been given us by Benedict Anderson. His Imagined Communities (1983) has captured the imagination of academics, who have found his tale of nation-states cum communities a satisfying explanation of what has been otherwise a source of irritation, if not disdain. The notion of community has been out of favor among social scientists generally and among communication scholars in particular since the heyday of University of Chicago community studies. It is now academically fashionable to consider community a stifling regime of conformity, an outdated god term of progressivism, and too laden with positive baggage to be of analytical value.Clay Carey, however, puts community squarely before us for re-consideration. With Anderson's Imagined Communities as his guide, Carey invites us to imagine how the Amish and Mennonites who subscribe to a nationally distributed newspaper achieve a transcendent virtual community. Finessing Anderson's account, Carey describes The Budget, a 125-year-old weekly newspaper with a stable circulation of 18,000, as creating a community out of a religious diaspora rather than out of a nation-state. Its readers' identification with mostly strangers across distance derives from the newspaper's expression of shared values of faith, tradition, and social cohesion. Letters from scribes representing local settlements display the ongoing and reassuring routines of community life.Carey's respectful if uncritical description of the role of the newspaper and of the communal life it purports to represent provides us a set of challenges for understanding community and the news. Is a newspaper all it takes to pull off community in the minds and hearts of strangers? Do communities exist only in our imaginations without any material standing? How do we as scholars imagine the communities invoked and experienced by others? How do they, Amish and Mennonites, read this newspaper, both literally and figuratively, and what functions do they ascribe to it? Would they agree they are part of an imagined community? Are any of the grounds for community that are practiced locally and displayed in the newspaper contested or resisted? To explore these questions, we need to turn to some other thinking about communities and newspapers to see where they lead.Ontical CommunitiesThinking of community as a sense of shared identity achieved through the imagination, as Anderson does, has led to some academics who have appropriated Anderson's usage to apply it wholesale, too often without sufficient reflection or nuance. The material world, including our bodies, disappears from consideration when community is considered to be, in essence, all in our heads. Geographic an
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