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The Politics of Historical Memory and Commemoration in Africa最新文献

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Remembering Mzee: The Making and Re-making of “Kenyatta Day,” 1958–2010 纪念Mzee: 1958-2010年“肯雅塔日”的制作与再制作
Pub Date : 2021-12-06 DOI: 10.1515/9783110655315-005
Ed Goodman
While a concern with memory, in particular of the Mau Mau rebellion, has a well-established place in Kenya’s historiography, little attention has yet been paid to the postcolonial Kenyan state’s official memory regime, to what Kenya’s citizens have been asked to remember. The following chapter aims to fill this gap. It traces the origins of “Kenyatta Day,” celebrated from 1964 onwards on 20 October each year, and the four successive stories that were told about it by first its proponents, figures associated with the KANU government and the state, and then its critics in parliament and civil society whose attainment of power led to the re-dedication of the day as “Heroes Day” in 2010, when Kenya’s “Second Republic” was inaugurated by a new constitution. In the early hours of the morning of 20 October 1952, British security services in Kenya set in motion the plan codenamed “Operation Jock Scott,” a strategy devised over the course of the previous few days, with the intention of decapitating the so-called Mau Mau movement.1 The rounding-up of around 150 Kenya African Union (KAU) activists would, it was hoped, leave the movement rudderless, allowing security services the opportunity to regain control in the increasingly fraught circumstances of Kenya’s Central Province and Rift Valley. At the top of the list (and by the time of his arrest, apparently aware of what was coming) was the name of Jomo Kenyatta, leader of the KAU, author of Facing Mount Kenya, and future president of independent Kenya.2 So began the Emergency, which was to last eight long years. The roundup was followed by a show trial of Kenyatta and five other men, Fred Kubai, Bildad Kaggia, Paul Ngei, Kungu Karumba and Achieng’ Oneko, ac For an introduction to successive understandings of Mau Mau, see John Lonsdale, “Foreword,” in Mau Mau from Below, ed. Greet Kershaw (Oxford: James Currey, 1997), xvi–xxx.  On Operation Jock Scott, see David Anderson, Histories of the Hanged: Britain’s Dirty War in Kenya and the End of Empire (London: W.W. Norton, 2005), 62–63. For an introduction to the tense situation in Central Province and the Rift Valley, see Ch.1. See also David Throup, Economic and Social Origins of Mau Mau (London: James Currey, 1987); Daniel Branch, Defeating Mau Mau, Creating Kenya: Counterinsurgency, Civil War, and Decolonisation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009); and Gabrielle Lynch, I Say to You: Ethnic Politics and the Kalenjin in Kenya (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011), Chs. 1–2. OpenAccess. © 2022 Edward Goodman, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110655315-005 cused by the colonial state of “managing” Mau Mau. Kenyatta, according to Ransley Thacker, a former Kenyan High Court Judge and Attorney-General of Fiji, brought out of retirement to preside over the case, was the “master mind” behind Mau Mau, the man who had “let loose upon this land
虽然对记忆的关注,尤其是对茅茅叛乱的关注,在肯尼亚的史学中占有一席之地,但人们对后殖民时期肯尼亚政府的官方记忆制度,以及肯尼亚公民被要求记住的东西,却很少关注。下一章旨在填补这一空白。它追溯了“肯雅塔日”的起源,从1964年开始,每年10月20日庆祝“肯雅塔日”,并讲述了四个连续的故事,首先是它的支持者,与卡努联盟政府和国家有关的人物,然后是议会和民间社会的批评者,他们获得权力导致2010年肯尼亚“第二共和国”通过新宪法成立时,这一天被重新定为“英雄日”。1952年10月20日凌晨,驻肯尼亚的英国安全部门启动了代号为“乔克·斯科特行动”的计划,这是前几天制定的一项战略,目的是消灭所谓的茅茅运动对大约150名肯尼亚非洲联盟(KAU)积极分子的围捕,原本是希望让运动失去方向,让安全部门有机会重新控制肯尼亚中部省和裂谷日益紧张的局势。排在名单首位的是乔莫·肯雅塔(在他被捕的时候,他显然已经意识到了即将发生的事情),他是KAU的领导人,《面对肯雅山》的作者,也是独立后的肯尼亚未来的总统。总结之后是对肯雅塔和另外五个人的审判,他们是Fred Kubai, Bildad Kaggia, Paul Ngei, Kungu Karumba和Achieng ' Oneko,网址:关于对茅茅的连续理解的介绍,见John Lonsdale,“前言”,来自下面的茅茅,编辑。Greet Kershaw(牛津:James Currey, 1997), xvi-xxx。关于乔克·斯科特行动,见大卫·安德森,《被绞死者的历史:英国在肯尼亚的肮脏战争和帝国的终结》(伦敦:W.W.诺顿出版社,2005),第62-63页。关于中部省和东非大裂谷紧张局势的介绍,见第1章。参见David throp,《茅茅的经济和社会起源》(伦敦:James Currey出版社,1987);丹尼尔·布兰奇,《打败茅茅,创造肯尼亚:平叛、内战和非殖民化》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2009年);加布里埃尔·林奇,《我对你说:肯尼亚的种族政治和卡伦津人》(芝加哥:芝加哥大学出版社,2011),第1-2页。OpenAccess。©2022 Edward Goodman, De Gruyter出版。本作品采用知识共享署名4.0国际许可协议。https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110655315-005是由殖民国家“管理”茅茅造成的。肯尼亚前高等法院法官和斐济总检察长兰斯利·塞克尔(Ransley Thacker)从退休中恢复过来主持此案,他说,肯雅塔是茅茅运动背后的“主心腹”,是他“在这片土地上释放了大量痛苦和不幸,影响了所有种族的日常生活,”他明确表示,“包括你们自己的人民。”他坚持认为,KAU的领导人充分利用了他所拥有的“权力和影响力”,据塞克尔说,这是他从20世纪30年代初到40年代中期在英国生活的教育和长期融入英国社会的产物。法官声称,他这样做是为了逆转在殖民统治下“在他的人民中”向着“开明文明”所取得的“进步”,掠夺“你知道深藏在他们性格深处的原始本能”,让这些被愚弄的人“回到一个没有人性的状态”,并说服他们“秘密地谋杀,焚烧和犯下邪恶的暴行,”法官严肃地说,“要很多年才能忘记。”由于确信肯雅塔有罪,塞克尔判处肯雅塔和其他五人七年苦役这位未来的总统被关押到1961年8月。在过去的60年里,肯雅塔被判(相当错误地)管理的运动一直是“肯尼亚现代史的核心”。“对过去的有意识的感觉,作为与现在有意义的联系的东西,如何在人类个体和人类文化中得到维持和发展”是那些对这个问题感兴趣的人关注的中心问题,“尊重和记住”是刻骨铭心的——索马里兰在西亚德·巴雷将军(Siad Barre)领导下的战争经历的自我宣布的国家的纪念碑,穆罕默德·哈吉·英格里斯(Mohamed Haji Ingriis)在这本书中描述了这一点。5例如,马歇尔·克拉夫(Marshall Clough)追溯了“难以捉摸的《关于君主对乔莫·肯雅塔等人的判决》[1952],卡彭古里亚地方法院,1953年4月8日,第97-98页。”关于肯雅塔的审判,见约翰·朗斯代尔,《肯雅塔的审判:打破和造就一个非洲民族主义者》,《法律的道德世界》主编。
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引用次数: 0
The Historian as Memory Practitioner 作为记忆实践者的历史学家
Pub Date : 2021-12-06 DOI: 10.1515/9783110655315-009
Ruramisai Charumbira
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引用次数: 0
Southern Somalia’s “Glorious Days Are Our Nightmare”: The Performance of Political Memory and Contestations of Commemoration in Northern Somalia (Somaliland) 索马里南部的“光辉岁月是我们的噩梦”:索马里北部(索马里兰)政治记忆和纪念活动的表现
Pub Date : 2021-12-06 DOI: 10.1515/9783110655315-006
Mohamed Haji Ingiriis
: This chapter makes a critical intervention into the academic and popular discussions about political memory in Somalia. Focusing on contestations of political memory and disputes over what occurred in the past as well as why, when and where they took place, the chapter foregrounds the importance of memory and commemoration for the Somaliland state-building project. By presenting a new perspective on the making of the breakaway region in northern Somalia that declared itself independent Somaliland in 1991, the chapter offers insights into how memories of trauma function as a political resource that could crystallise conflict and confrontation. Furthermore, in the case observed, judicious deployment of political memory elicited sympathy and solidarity locally and amongst diasporic Somaliland people in the pursuit of the separatist state-building project in Somaliland. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Somaliland at intervals between 2016, 2018 and 2019 that relied on ethnographic observations and interviews with men and women, the chapter explores how the independence project in Somaliland was constructed through accumulated collective historical grievances. These were used to strengthen the case in favour of seeking recognition for a separate state allowing the collapse of the Somali state. Supposedly collective community suffering was rooted in how the military regime – bent on the protection and preservation of specific clans – mistreated the Isaaq, the predominate clan in Somaliland. Building upon previous studies of political memory, the chapter reveals how particularistic historical grievance shaped – and continues to shape – the process of legitimising separatism in Somaliland.
本章对有关索马里政治记忆的学术和大众讨论进行了批判性的干预。本章聚焦于政治记忆的争论和对过去发生的事情以及为什么、何时、何地发生的争论,强调了记忆和纪念对索马里兰国家建设项目的重要性。通过对1991年宣布独立的索马里兰的索马里北部地区的形成提出一个新的视角,本章提供了关于创伤记忆如何作为一种政治资源发挥作用的见解,这种政治资源可能会使冲突和对抗具体化。此外,在上述情况下,明智地运用政治记忆在当地和流散的索马里兰人民中引起同情和团结,在索马里兰推行分离主义的国家建设项目。根据2016年、2018年至2019年期间在索马里兰进行的实地调查,并根据人种学观察和对男女的采访,本章探讨了索马里兰的独立项目是如何通过积累的集体历史不满来构建的。这些被用来加强支持寻求承认一个允许索马里国家崩溃的独立国家的理由。据推测,集体社区的苦难根源于军事政权——一心想保护和保存特定部族——如何虐待在索马里兰占主导地位的部族伊萨克人。在先前对政治记忆的研究的基础上,本章揭示了特殊的历史怨恨如何塑造——并继续塑造——索马里兰分裂主义合法化的进程。
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引用次数: 0
Frontmatter
Pub Date : 2021-12-06 DOI: 10.1515/9783110655315-fm
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引用次数: 0
Public Memorialisation and the Politics of Historical Memory in Africa 公共纪念和非洲历史记忆的政治
Pub Date : 2021-12-06 DOI: 10.1515/9783110655315-002
M. Sikes, Cassandra Mark-Thiesen, M. A. Mihatsch
In 2020, a global wave of anti-racism movements contributed to widespread reconsideration of previously honoured people. From Bristol’s slave trader Edward Colston, to confederate generals across the American South, to King Leopold II of Belgium, statues now seen as symbols of white supremacy have fallen.1 Campaigns in Africa challenged state-endorsed memorialisations, thus contributing to the recent groundswell of alternative interpretations of the past. In the Ethiopian town of Harar, Oromo groups toppled a monument to Haile Selassie’s father, Ras Makonnen, seeing both father and son as imperialist oppressors.2 In Cape Town, a statue of white supremacist Cecil Rhodes at Rhodes Memorial on the slopes of Table Mountain was decapitated.3 In 2015, protests over another statue of Rhodes located at the University of Cape Town (UCT) channelled memories of past injustices into widespread mobilisation for change, a movement known as #RhodesMustFall (RMF).4
2020年,全球反种族主义运动浪潮促使人们重新审视以前的获奖者。从布里斯托尔的奴隶贩子爱德华·科尔斯顿(Edward Colston),到美国南部的邦联将军,再到比利时国王利奥波德二世(Leopold II),如今被视为白人至上主义象征的雕像纷纷倒下非洲的运动挑战了国家认可的纪念活动,从而促成了最近对过去的另类解释的兴起。在埃塞俄比亚的哈拉尔镇,奥罗莫人推倒了海尔·塞拉西父亲拉斯·马科南的纪念碑,他们将父子俩视为帝国主义压迫者在开普敦,桌山山坡上的罗德纪念馆里,白人至上主义者塞西尔·罗兹的雕像被砍了头2015年,针对位于开普敦大学(UCT)的另一座罗德雕像的抗议活动,将对过去不公正的记忆转化为广泛的变革动员,这一运动被称为#罗德必须下台(RMF)
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引用次数: 1
Figures 数据
Pub Date : 2021-12-06 DOI: 10.1515/9783110655315-010
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引用次数: 0
Oral history, Closed Settings and the Formation of Narratives: A South African Example 口述历史、封闭背景与叙事的形成:以南非为例
Pub Date : 2021-12-06 DOI: 10.1515/9783110655315-003
N. Filippi
: Leading interviews in prison, in a post-colonial and post-authoritarian democracy, raises many questions as to the problematic definition of consent, the power dynamics at play and the shortcomings of oral history. Focusing on two South African closed settings, this chapter investigates the extent to which oral history methodology, when completed with the study of other sources such as rumours, silence and the body, can still prove useful. This is especially true when one wishes to analyse the role of violence in the formation of past and present narrative. A brief comparative study of prisons transformed into heritage sites worldwide helps understand the gap between prisoners ’ collective memory and the official memory of post-authoritarian democracies, and how they tend to return prisoners ’ voices to the silenced margins of society. between Oxford ’ study of postcolonial African and
在一个后殖民和后威权民主国家的监狱里进行的主要访谈,提出了许多问题,如有问题的同意定义、正在发挥作用的权力动态以及口述历史的缺点。本章以两个南非封闭的环境为重点,调查口述历史方法论在与谣言、沉默和身体等其他来源的研究一起完成后,仍然可以证明有用的程度。当人们想要分析暴力在过去和现在叙事的形成中的作用时,这一点尤其正确。对世界各地监狱改造为遗产遗址的简短比较研究有助于理解囚犯集体记忆与后专制民主国家官方记忆之间的差距,以及它们如何倾向于将囚犯的声音带回沉默的社会边缘。牛津大学对后殖民时期非洲的研究
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引用次数: 0
A “Quest for Relevance”: The Memory Politics of UNESCO’s General History of Africa “寻求相关性”:联合国教科文组织非洲通史的记忆政治
Pub Date : 2021-12-06 DOI: 10.1515/9783110655315-004
Casper Andersen
In 1963, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) launched the General History of Africa (GHA) project which ran for over three decades. The stated aim of the project was to produce “a scientific history of African unity and culture from the inside” – a history written by Africans for Africans on the continent and in the diaspora. Those involved in the GHA as contributors, editors and UNESCO officials were motivated by what Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o has labelled a “quest for relevance” which was felt strongly among African cultural elites during the decades after 1940. This quest for relevance involved contributing to the decolonisation of the mind based on the idea that the ending of formal colonial rule would be incomplete and meaningless without a cultural decolonisation in education, science, and the arts, including history. In this chapter I revisit the chequered history of the GHA and place the project in its historical context of Pan-Africanism and nation building. I unravel the institutional context and argue that the project was shaped by an agenda centred on the politics of historical memory shared by this generation of Africans and by UNESCO. Africa scholars put more emphasis on showing that Africans had a history than on asking how Africans’ history-making was implicated in establishing or contesting power. (Frederick Cooper, 1994)1 In November 2015, UNESCO – the UN special agency for education, science and culture – celebrated its 70 anniversary with proceedings that included a conference on the organisation’s history.2 During the celebrations, former Director-General and Senegalese geographer and diplomat Amadou Mahtar M′Bow explained what UNESCO had achieved during his Director-Generalship from 1974 to 1983.  Frederick Cooper, “Conflict and Connection: Rethinking African History,” American Historical Review 99, no. 5 (1994): 1528.  Mads K. Mogensen and Ivan. L Christensen, “Report on: Making a Difference: Seventy Years of UNESCO Actions UNESCO Anniversary Conference, UNESCO, Paris, 28–29 October 2015,” UNESDOC Digital Library, 2015, accessed 28 November 2019, https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/
1963年,联合国教育、科学及文化组织(UNESCO)启动了非洲通史(GHA)项目,该项目持续了30多年。该项目宣称的目标是制作“一部非洲内部统一和文化的科学史”——一部由非洲人为非洲大陆上和散居海外的非洲人撰写的历史。参与GHA的撰稿人、编辑和教科文组织官员受到Ngũgĩ wa Thiong 'o所称的“对相关性的追求”的激励,这种追求在1940年后的几十年里在非洲文化精英中得到了强烈的感受。这种对相关性的追求涉及到思想的非殖民化,基于这样一种观点,即如果没有教育、科学和艺术(包括历史)的文化非殖民化,正式殖民统治的结束将是不完整和毫无意义的。在本章中,我将重新审视GHA的曲折历史,并将该项目置于泛非主义和国家建设的历史背景中。我揭示了制度背景,并认为该项目是由以这一代非洲人和联合国教科文组织共同的历史记忆政治为中心的议程塑造的。非洲学者更强调展示非洲人有自己的历史,而不是探究非洲人的历史创造如何与权力的建立或争夺有关。(弗雷德里克·库珀,1994)2015年11月,联合国教育、科学和文化的专门机构联合国教科文组织庆祝成立70周年,其中包括一个关于该组织历史的会议在庆祝活动中,前总干事、塞内加尔地理学家和外交官阿马杜·马塔尔·M 'Bow解释了他在1974年至1983年担任总干事期间教科文组织取得的成就。弗雷德里克·库珀,《冲突与联系:重新思考非洲历史》,《美国历史评论》99期,第2期。5(1994): 1528。Mads K. Mogensen和Ivan。L·克里斯滕森,《改变世界:教科文组织七十年行动》教科文组织周年大会报告,教科文组织,巴黎,2015年10月28日至29日》,联合国教科文组织数字图书馆,2015年,2019年11月28日访问,https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/
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引用次数: 0
List of Contributors 贡献者名单
Pub Date : 2021-12-06 DOI: 10.1515/9783110655315-011
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引用次数: 0
The Memory Process in the Commemorations of the Dead in West African Newspapers 西非报纸纪念死者的记忆过程
Pub Date : 2021-12-06 DOI: 10.1515/9783110655315-007
Rouven Kunstmann, Cassandra Mark-Thiesen
This chapter considers the memory process in the commemorations of the dead in a sample of newspapers from Nigeria and Liberia from the 1940s to 1960s. At its centre are the obituaries and in-memoriams of middleto upperclass citizens published by family members and the state. The chapter homes in on how a number of journalistic processes, from “signalling” to “masking” to “controlling,” were used to capture specific elements of the past and, more significantly, to guide the present and future self-fashioning of the African elite. As a fitting part of this Gedenkschrift, itself a technology of death culture, this chapter explores practices surrounding death as performed in West African newspapers of the 1940s to 1960s. We examine the printing of death notices and obituaries both as a historically dynamic process and as one of multiple interrelated modes of (both textual and non-textual) social communication and memory-making in Africa. With its emergence in the nineteenth century, the West African press has been at the forefront of forming and reinforcing identities, helping both individuals and institutions to present themselves to a wider audience. In recent times, studies of the practices of self-fashioning in print culture have attracted much attention in Africanist historiography and beyond.1 This chapter explores the social and political signalling accompanying announcements of death in newspapers. Herein we compare two forms of publicising death, namely in-memoriams and obituaries. In line with Jan-Georg Deutsch’s interest in the study of social relations in shaping history, we demonstrate the commemoration expressed in these West African advertisements of death as promoting the solidification of sociopolitical relationships. For the purpose of this examination of print media, we draw evidence from Nigerian and Liberian newspapers. After the Second World War, both states en Derek R. Peterson, Emma Hunter, and Stephanie Newell, eds., African Print Cultures: Newspapers and Their Publics in the Twentieth Century (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2016); Mamadou Diawara, Bernard C. Lategan, and Jörn Rüsen, eds., Historical Memory in Africa: Dealing with the Past, Reaching for the Future in an Intercultural Context (New York: Berghahn
本章以20世纪40年代至60年代尼日利亚和利比里亚的报纸为样本,考察了纪念死者的记忆过程。它的中心是由家庭成员和国家出版的中上层社会公民的讣告和悼念。这一章集中讨论了从“信号”到“掩饰”再到“控制”的一系列新闻过程是如何被用来捕捉过去的特定元素的,更重要的是,如何指导非洲精英们现在和未来的自我塑造。作为这种死亡文化技术的恰当组成部分,本章探讨了20世纪40年代至60年代西非报纸上围绕死亡的实践。我们研究了死亡通知和讣告的印刷,既是一个历史动态过程,也是非洲(文本和非文本)社会交流和记忆制造的多种相互关联模式之一。自19世纪出现以来,西非新闻界一直处于形成和加强身份认同的前沿,帮助个人和机构向更广泛的受众展示自己。近年来,对印刷文化中自我塑造实践的研究引起了非洲史学和其他领域的广泛关注本章探讨报纸上死亡公告所附带的社会和政治信号。在这里,我们比较两种形式的公布死亡,即悼念和讣告。与Jan-Georg Deutsch对研究社会关系塑造历史的兴趣一致,我们展示了这些西非死亡广告中表达的纪念,促进了社会政治关系的固化。为了审查印刷媒体,我们从尼日利亚和利比里亚的报纸中提取证据。第二次世界大战后,这两个州都是德里克·r·彼得森、艾玛·亨特和斯蒂芬妮·纽厄尔主编。,非洲印刷文化:报纸和他们的公众在二十世纪(安娜堡,密歇根州:密歇根大学出版社,2016);Mamadou Diawara, Bernard C. Lategan和Jörn r sen主编。《非洲的历史记忆:在跨文化背景下处理过去,走向未来》(纽约:Berghahn出版社)
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The Politics of Historical Memory and Commemoration in Africa
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