Pub Date : 2020-04-23DOI: 10.1163/9789004425613_005
Florin Curta
Historians of the modern era have recently turned Eastern Europe into a vagina nationum: the greatest mass migration and even the “making of the free world” are directly related to Eastern Europe.1 Historians studying Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages disagree. They doubt that migration could explain even changes taking place in the region. Walter Goffart sees no reason for Germanic tribes residing in the vastness of Ukraine to emigrate: “if really land hungry, they might have satisfied their needs right where they were”.2 According to Guy Halsall, the archaeological record pertaining to East Central Europe in the 3rd century does “not support the idea of a substantial migration”.3 Instead, one can envision communication lines along the principal trade routes.4 The idea that the Goths migrated out of northern Europe to the fringes of the Empire rests “mainly on the evidence of a single ancient source, the Getica of Jordanes, around which complicated structures of scholarly hypothesis have been built”.5 One could argue in principle that the Sântana de MureşČernjachov culture came into being “because of a migration out of the Wielbark regions, but one might equally argue that it was an indigenous development of local Pontic, Carpic, and Dacian cultures”.6 Peter Heather, however, is skeptical about skepticism. To him, there can be no doubt that the Wielbark people morphed into the Sântana de MureşČernjachov people, who became Goths in the course of a century-long migration across Eastern Europe, from the Baltic to the Black Sea.7 Similarly, the
近代历史学家最近把东欧变成了一个阴道国家:最大规模的移民甚至“自由世界的形成”都与东欧直接相关。研究古代晚期和中世纪早期的历史学家不同意这一观点。他们甚至怀疑移民能否解释该地区发生的变化。沃尔特·戈法特认为，居住在辽阔的乌克兰的日耳曼部落没有理由移民:“如果他们真的饥饿，他们可能已经满足了他们的需求。根据Guy Halsall的说法，有关3世纪东中欧的考古记录“不支持大规模移民的观点”相反，人们可以设想沿着主要贸易路线建立通信线路哥特人从北欧迁移到帝国边缘的观点“主要是基于一个单一的古代来源的证据，约旦的盖蒂卡，围绕着它建立了复杂的学术假设结构”原则上，人们可以认为， ntana de MureşČernjachov文化的形成是“由于来自Wielbark地区的移民，但人们同样可以认为，它是当地Pontic, Carpic和Dacian文化的本土发展”然而，彼得·希瑟对怀疑论持怀疑态度。对他来说，毫无疑问，维尔巴克人在从波罗的海到黑海横跨东欧的长达一个世纪的迁徙过程中演变成了纳塔纳德MureşČernjachov人，后者成为哥特人
{"title":"Migrations in the Archaeology of Eastern and Southeastern Europe in the Early Middle Ages (Some Comments on the Current State of Research)","authors":"Florin Curta","doi":"10.1163/9789004425613_005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004425613_005","url":null,"abstract":"Historians of the modern era have recently turned Eastern Europe into a vagina nationum: the greatest mass migration and even the “making of the free world” are directly related to Eastern Europe.1 Historians studying Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages disagree. They doubt that migration could explain even changes taking place in the region. Walter Goffart sees no reason for Germanic tribes residing in the vastness of Ukraine to emigrate: “if really land hungry, they might have satisfied their needs right where they were”.2 According to Guy Halsall, the archaeological record pertaining to East Central Europe in the 3rd century does “not support the idea of a substantial migration”.3 Instead, one can envision communication lines along the principal trade routes.4 The idea that the Goths migrated out of northern Europe to the fringes of the Empire rests “mainly on the evidence of a single ancient source, the Getica of Jordanes, around which complicated structures of scholarly hypothesis have been built”.5 One could argue in principle that the Sântana de MureşČernjachov culture came into being “because of a migration out of the Wielbark regions, but one might equally argue that it was an indigenous development of local Pontic, Carpic, and Dacian cultures”.6 Peter Heather, however, is skeptical about skepticism. To him, there can be no doubt that the Wielbark people morphed into the Sântana de MureşČernjachov people, who became Goths in the course of a century-long migration across Eastern Europe, from the Baltic to the Black Sea.7 Similarly, the","PeriodicalId":149712,"journal":{"name":"Migration Histories of the Medieval Afroeurasian Transition Zone","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-04-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128451777","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-23DOI: 10.1163/9789004425613_008
C. Gasparis
Human geographic mobility is a diachronic phenomenon, the goal of which is the security and/or betterment of life for those on the move.1 Following the major migrations in Europe in the early Middle Ages, those of the late medieval period were less massive and decisive, and stemmed from different causes. The group or individual population movements in the period and place under examination here may be assigned to two large categories: (a) movements owed to violence (e.g. wars, political persecutions, or natural phenomena and diseases), which aimed primarily to seek security in a new place, and (b) those owed to living conditions and the economic environment, which aimed at improving migrants’ living conditions. While there is geographic mobility in both cases, that in the first category could be characterized in contemporary terms as “refugee movement” and as more or less massive, while that in the second may be characterized as “migration”, and is normally by individuals. Refugees leave their home voluntarily or involuntarily due to lifethreatening political or military violence. The migrant, also compelled by specific ( normally, economic) circumstances, voluntarily leaves his home in search of better living conditions and life prospects. However, those who move to further improve and enrich themselves, even though their living conditions are not as bad, are also characterized as migrants. One category of displaced persons included by contemporary scholars among migrants were prisoners of war and slaves
{"title":"Migration and Ethnicity in the Venetian Territories of the Eastern Mediterranean (13th to 15th Century)","authors":"C. Gasparis","doi":"10.1163/9789004425613_008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004425613_008","url":null,"abstract":"Human geographic mobility is a diachronic phenomenon, the goal of which is the security and/or betterment of life for those on the move.1 Following the major migrations in Europe in the early Middle Ages, those of the late medieval period were less massive and decisive, and stemmed from different causes. The group or individual population movements in the period and place under examination here may be assigned to two large categories: (a) movements owed to violence (e.g. wars, political persecutions, or natural phenomena and diseases), which aimed primarily to seek security in a new place, and (b) those owed to living conditions and the economic environment, which aimed at improving migrants’ living conditions. While there is geographic mobility in both cases, that in the first category could be characterized in contemporary terms as “refugee movement” and as more or less massive, while that in the second may be characterized as “migration”, and is normally by individuals. Refugees leave their home voluntarily or involuntarily due to lifethreatening political or military violence. The migrant, also compelled by specific ( normally, economic) circumstances, voluntarily leaves his home in search of better living conditions and life prospects. However, those who move to further improve and enrich themselves, even though their living conditions are not as bad, are also characterized as migrants. One category of displaced persons included by contemporary scholars among migrants were prisoners of war and slaves","PeriodicalId":149712,"journal":{"name":"Migration Histories of the Medieval Afroeurasian Transition Zone","volume":"234 ","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-04-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133749341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-23DOI: 10.1163/9789004425613_007
Alexander Beihammer
Beihammer The historical evolution of medieval Anatolia in the centuries between the decay of Byzantine rule and the Ottoman conquest is closely linked with intricate processes of migration, cross-cultural encounter, and ethnic change. The area in question includes what the Byzantines with a very generic terms used to la-bel ἑῴα or ἡ ἀνατολή, i.e., “the East”.1 After various expansionist stages that culminated in the reign of Basil (976–1025) the empire’s eastern provinces stretched from the western coastland of Asia Minor as far as northern Syria, the Upper Euphrates region, and the Armenian highlands. first, the political, cultural, and ethnic transformation of this area began as a fortuitous side effect of the rise of the Great Seljuk Empire in the central lands Islam. A ruling claiming from a common ancestor called Seljuk and super-ficially nomadic warriors, who drew their origin from Oghuz in lands of Transoxania, formed the driving force of this new empire. In the 1040s, Turkmen hosts made their first raids into the region south of the Anti-Taurus range and invaded the Armenian highlands between the Araxes (Aras) and the Arsanias (Murat) Rivers. Soon it turned out that the Taurus Mountains, which for centuries had formed a natu-ral barrier between Christian-Roman and Muslim territories, had become salient patterns of from the
中世纪安纳托利亚在拜占庭统治衰落和奥斯曼征服之间的几个世纪的历史演变与复杂的移民、跨文化接触和种族变化过程密切相关。所讨论的区域包括拜占庭人用一个非常通用的术语来描述的“la-bel ο α”或“ς νατολή”，即“东方”在巴兹尔(976-1025)统治时期，帝国的东部省份从小亚细亚的西部沿海一直延伸到叙利亚北部、幼发拉底河上游地区和亚美尼亚高地。首先，这一地区的政治、文化和种族转型是大塞尔柱帝国在伊斯兰教中心地区崛起的偶然副作用。一个共同的祖先塞尔柱和表面上的游牧战士的统治形成了这个新帝国的驱动力，他们的祖先来自Transoxania地区的Oghuz。在20世纪40年代，土库曼东道主首次袭击了反托罗斯山脉以南的地区，并入侵了阿拉克斯河(Aras)和阿萨尼亚斯河(Murat)之间的亚美尼亚高地。几个世纪以来，托罗斯山脉一直是基督教-罗马帝国和穆斯林领土之间的天然屏障
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Pub Date : 2020-04-23DOI: 10.1163/9789004425613_004
J. Koder
The Balkans have a complex ethnic and linguistic structure owing to migrations from the North which took place in waves of varying intensity and changed the regions demographic character from the antiquity onwards, when it was inhabitated by Illyrian and Greek tribes.1 The Slavic immigration from the late 6th century onwards was the most important for the present ethnic composition of the populations in southeastern Europe. It has been a matter of great debate since Jacob Philipp Fallmerayer (1790–1861) published his notorious thesis, stating that “not the slightest drop of undiluted Hellenic blood flows in the veins of the Christian population of present-day Greece”.2 Already since the 12th century Byzantine historians like Nikephoros Bryennios (12th century), George Pachymeres (13th century), Nikephoros Gregoras (14th century), Michael Kritoboulos and especially Laonikos Chalkokondyles (15th century) discussed the ethnic identities of the medieval Balkan populations and their alledged Illyrian origin. They used the ethnonyms Albanoi, Akarnanoi, Bosnoi, Bulgaroi, Dalmatai, Illyrioi, Makedones, Mysoi, Sarmatai, Skythai, Thrakes, Thessaloi and Triballoi.3 The collective names of the Slavs,
巴尔干半岛有一个复杂的种族和语言结构，这是由于来自北方的移民以不同强度的浪潮发生，从古代开始就改变了该地区的人口特征，当时它是由伊利里亚和希腊部落居住的从6世纪晚期开始的斯拉夫移民对目前东南欧人口的种族构成最为重要。自从Jacob Philipp Fallmerayer(1790-1861)发表了他那篇臭名昭著的论文以来，这个问题一直是一个大争论的问题，他说“在当今希腊的基督徒人口的血管中，没有一滴未稀释的希腊血液流动”自12世纪以来，拜占庭历史学家，如Nikephoros Bryennios(12世纪)，George Pachymeres(13世纪)，Nikephoros Gregoras(14世纪)，Michael Kritoboulos，特别是Laonikos Chalkokondyles(15世纪)，已经讨论了中世纪巴尔干人口的种族身份及其所谓的伊利里亚血统。他们使用的民族名是阿尔巴诺伊、阿卡尔纳尼、博斯诺伊、宝格丽戈伊、达尔马泰、伊里里奥伊、Makedones、Mysoi、Sarmatai、Skythai、Thrakes、Thessaloi和triballoi。
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Pub Date : 2020-04-23DOI: 10.1163/9789004425613_014
Y. Rotman
At the beginning of the third millennium sociologist Stephen Castles has called for “a sociological argument that points to the significance of forced migration in contemporary society and in current processes of change”.1 Castles’ words have since become a landmark for scholars and activists interested in and working on migration and forced migration.2 Five years prior to the publication of Castles’ article, the Refugee Participation Network – rpn – newsletter changed its name and format and became the Forced Migration Review. Published since 1998 by the Refugee Studies Centre in the Oxford Department of International Development, University of Oxford, it was launched in order to “contribute to improving policy and practice for people affected by forced migration; provide a forum for the voices of displaced people; be a bridge between research and practice; raise awareness of lesser-known (or little covered) displacement crises; and promote knowledge of, and respect for, legal and quasi-legal instruments relating to refugees, idps and stateless people”.3 Although the fmr preceded Castles article’s publication by five years, its foundation can be considered as a response to the same need for a conceptual framework in the study of what has become over the last two decades the largest movement of people today. This is evident in particular in view of the premises that Castles has laid out in connecting forms of forced migration to the new economic system of globalization as well as to the socio-political framework of transnationalism. The large movement of people around the world today, and in particular from South to North, is therefore linked to, and is perceived as a product of the radical socioeconomic and political changes of our time.
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