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Religious Beliefs and Conscientious Exemptions in a Liberal State最新文献

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Conscience in the Image of Religion 宗教形象中的良心
Pub Date : 2019-11-22 DOI: 10.5040/9781509920969.ch-005
R. Moon
Religious beliefs/practices are excluded and insulated from political contest not because they are intrinsically valuable but instead because they are aspects of a collective or cultural identity and markers of membership in the collective. If the state’s duty to accommodate religious practices is about the status of religious groups rather than the liberty of individuals (a matter of equality rather than liberty) then it may not extend to practices that are idiosyncratic and have no link to a religious or cultural group/tradition. The requirement that the state should accommodate religious beliefs or practices (and sometimes compromise its policies) is most often justified as necessary to ensure that the individual’s deepest values and commitments and more generally his/her autonomy in decision- making are respected. I argue, however, that reasonable accommodation is better understood as a form of equality right that is based on the importance of community or group membership to the individual. Understood in this way, the accommodation requirement may not extend to an individual’s deeply held non-religious practices, if they are not part of a shared belief system. The willingness of the courts to protect certain non- religious practices (to require their accommodation by the state) may rest simply on their formal similarity to familiar religious practices such as pacifism or vegetarianism – that are specific in content, peremptory in force and that diverge from mainstream practices. Yet, as a practical matter, practices of this kind are seldom sustained outside a religious or cultural community. It is not an accident then that the very few instances of non-religious, ‘conscientious’, practices that have been accommodated are similar in content and structure to familiar religious practices, and indeed may have arisen from these religious practices.
宗教信仰/习俗被排除在政治竞争之外,不是因为它们本身有价值,而是因为它们是集体或文化认同的一个方面,是集体成员的标志。如果国家适应宗教习俗的义务是关于宗教团体的地位,而不是个人的自由(平等而不是自由的问题),那么它可能不会延伸到那些特殊的、与宗教或文化团体/传统没有联系的习俗。要求国家适应宗教信仰或实践(有时在政策上妥协),通常被认为是必要的,以确保个人最深刻的价值观和承诺,以及更普遍地说,他/她在决策中的自主权得到尊重。然而,我认为合理的迁就应该被更好地理解为一种平等权利的形式,这种权利是基于社区或群体成员对个人的重要性。以这种方式理解,如果他们不是共同信仰体系的一部分,那么容纳要求可能不会扩展到个人根深蒂固的非宗教实践。法院愿意保护某些非宗教习俗(要求国家对其进行调解),可能仅仅是因为它们在形式上与人们熟悉的宗教习俗(如和平主义或素食主义)相似——这些宗教习俗在内容上是具体的,在效力上是强制性的,与主流习俗不同。然而,作为一个实际问题,这种做法很少在宗教或文化社区之外持续下去。因此,为数不多的非宗教的、“有良心的”实践在内容和结构上与熟悉的宗教实践相似,并且确实可能源于这些宗教实践,这并非偶然。
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引用次数: 1
The Courts and Conscience Claims 法院与良心要求
Pub Date : 2019-06-13 DOI: 10.5040/9781509920969.ch-006
I. Leigh
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引用次数: 0
Conscientious Objection, ‘Proper Medical Treatment’ and Professionalism: The Limits of Accommodation for Conscience in Healthcare 良心拒服兵役、“适当的医疗”和专业精神:医疗保健中良心适应的限度
Pub Date : 2019-06-13 DOI: 10.5040/9781509920969.ch-008
Mary Neal
In recent years there has been a marked increase in academic interest in the phenomenon of conscientious objection (CO) in healthcare. The resulting literature, which is already substantial and continually expanding, reflects a spectrum of opinion on the practice ranging from support through mere toleration to barely disguised (and occasionally open) hostility. Despite some forceful academic opposition, however, most scholars who engage with the issue recognise the appropriateness of accommodating CO at least to some extent. The usual way of explaining why it is necessary and/or desirable to accommodate CO involves citing the need to protect individuals from being obliged to violate their moral integrity in the course of performing their professional roles. The meaning of ‘moral integrity’ is itself the subject of detailed philosophical debate, and is not my focus in this chapter: here, I presuppose that ‘a physician’s interest in moral integrity is a very important interest that has substantial moral weight’ and that the primary reason for accommodating and exercising CO is that we recognise the value of moral integrity and wish to respect and preserve it.
近年来,学术界对医疗保健中良心拒服兵役现象的兴趣显著增加。由此产生的文献已经相当丰富,而且还在不断扩大,反映了对这种做法的一系列意见,从支持到仅仅容忍,再到几乎不加掩饰的(偶尔公开的)敌意。然而,尽管有一些强烈的学术反对,大多数参与这个问题的学者承认至少在某种程度上容纳CO是适当的。在解释为什么有必要及/或需要接纳《产地来源证》时,通常的说法是需要保护个人在履行其专业职责的过程中不致违背其道德操守。“道德操守”的含义本身就是一个详细的哲学辩论的主题,并不是我在本章的重点:在这里,我假设“医生对道德操守的兴趣是一种非常重要的兴趣,具有实质性的道德重量”,而适应和行使CO的主要原因是我们认识到道德操守的价值,并希望尊重和维护它。
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引用次数: 8
Conscientious Exemptions in a Liberal State 自由州的良心豁免
Pub Date : 2019-06-13 DOI: 10.5040/9781509920969.CH-013
J. Adenitire
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引用次数: 1
Conscientious Claims, Ill-Founded Belief and Religious Exemption 良心主张,无根据的信仰和宗教豁免
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5040/9781509920969.ch-003
Peter Jones
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引用次数: 0
Who Should Give Effect to Conscientious Exemptions? The Case for Institutional Synergy 谁应该实施良心豁免?制度协同的案例
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5040/9781509920969.ch-011
J. Adenitire, Y. Nehushtan
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引用次数: 1
Exemptions for Religious Groups and the Problem of Internal Dissent 宗教团体的豁免与内部异议问题
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5040/9781509920969.ch-004
Paul Billingham
. Liberal justifications of exemptions for religious groups appeal to the rights or interests of individuals. Individuals’ interests in freedom of religion and association are said to be served through religious groups being granted a level of autonomy from state control, which includes their enjoying exemptions from certain otherwise ap-plicable laws. All such justifications face a significant problem, how-ever, which is that religious groups invariably contain dissenters, who object to the group’s decisions, policies, or current exercise of an exemption. It is unclear how these internal dissenters’ interests are served by the group being granted exemptions. This chapter explores, and seeks to resolve, this problem. I show that three standard liberal responses—appealing to the religious groups’ own decision-making procedures, to implied consent, and to exit rights—contain important insights, but do not provide a satisfactory solution. I then argue that liberal political theory nonetheless has the resources to justify exemptions for religious groups in the face of internal dissent, by highlight-ing the way in which dissenters’ own interest in freedom of religion can be protected and promoted through religious group autonomy. This enables liberal theorists to justify internally contested exemptions for religious groups.
. 宗教团体豁免的自由理由诉诸于个人的权利或利益。个人在宗教和结社自由方面的利益据说是通过给予宗教团体一定程度的不受国家控制的自主权来实现的,其中包括宗教团体享有某些其他适用法律的豁免。然而,所有这些理由都面临着一个重大问题,那就是宗教团体总是包含持不同政见者,他们反对该团体的决定、政策或目前对豁免的行使。目前尚不清楚这些内部持不同政见者的利益是如何被授予豁免的。本章探讨并试图解决这个问题。我展示了三种标准的自由主义回应——诉诸宗教团体自己的决策程序、暗示同意和退出权利——包含了重要的见解,但并没有提供令人满意的解决方案。然后,我认为,自由主义政治理论仍然有资源来证明宗教团体在面对内部异议时的豁免,通过强调异议者自己对宗教自由的兴趣可以通过宗教团体自治得到保护和促进。这使得自由主义理论家能够为宗教团体内部有争议的豁免辩护。
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引用次数: 4
Can Secular Non-Natural Persons be Said to Have a ‘Conscience’? 世俗的非自然人能说有“良心”吗?
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5040/9781509920969.CH-012
Frank Cranmer
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引用次数: 0
The Art of Living with Ourselves: What Does the Law Have to do with Conscience? 与自己生活的艺术:法律与良心有什么关系?
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5040/9781509920969.CH-009
G. Chipeur, R. Clarke
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引用次数: 2
Is Religion Special? Exemptions, Conscience and the Culture Wars 宗教特别吗?豁免、良心和文化战争
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5040/9781509920969.ch-002
J. Corvino, J. Corvino, R. Anderson, S. Girgis
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引用次数: 1
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Religious Beliefs and Conscientious Exemptions in a Liberal State
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