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Ghana’s 2016 elections: An Overview of Selected Relevant Background Themes 加纳2016年选举:选定相关背景主题概述
Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.20940/jae/2020/v19i1a6
Isaac Owusu Nsiah
Seven successive elections have been held in Ghana since 1992, most recently in 2016 when the country made a fourth attempt to embrace constitutional rule. A burgeoning literature provides explanations for the outcome of the 2016 election, which saw the defeat of the erstwhile incumbent National Democratic Congress and a landslide victory for the New Patriotic Party. Yet, little attention has been given to the various undercurrents, events, and significant background dynamics prior to the elections on 7 December. This research therefore provides a partially analytical but largely descriptive presentation of selected relevant issues that contributed to the build-up to the 2016 elections. The study situates the discourse within the broader context of Ghana’s democratisation, revealing how underlying phenomena possibly pose a threat to, and challenge the prospects of democratic consolidation. However, the conclusion indicates that the outcome of elections, which were deemed free and fair, should not be the only area of interest as the processes that lead to the elections are of great concern for a democracy. The work identifies several areas of concern, in particular Ghana’s electoral management, intra-party conflicts, unconventional aggression, vituperative outbursts and personal attacks, internal party elections, campaigns, how some chiefs violated a constitutional provision and outwardly portrayed partisanship, and brief issues concerning vote buying.
自1992年以来,加纳连续举行了七次选举,最近一次是在2016年,当时该国第四次尝试接受宪法统治。新兴的文献为2016年大选的结果提供了解释,上届执政的国民民主党(National Democratic Congress)被击败,新爱国党(New Patriotic Party)获得了压倒性的胜利。然而,很少注意到12月7日选举之前的各种暗流、事件和重要的背景动态。因此,这项研究提供了部分分析,但主要是描述性的选择相关问题,有助于2016年选举的建立。该研究将话语置于加纳民主化的更广泛背景下,揭示了潜在现象如何可能对民主巩固的前景构成威胁和挑战。然而,该结论指出,被认为是自由和公正的选举结果不应是唯一值得关注的领域,因为导致选举的过程是民主国家极为关切的问题。这项工作确定了几个令人关切的领域,特别是加纳的选举管理、党内冲突、非常规侵略、谩骂和人身攻击、党内选举、竞选活动、一些酋长如何违反宪法规定和对外描绘党派关系,以及有关贿选的简要问题。
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引用次数: 2
Zuma versus Ramaphosa: Factors Influencing Party Choice of South Africans in the Run-up to the 2019 Elections 祖马与拉马福萨:影响2019年大选南非人政党选择的因素
Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.20940/jae/2020/v19i1a1
Yolanda Sadie, L. Patel
The outcome of the 2016 local government elections in which the ANC lost substantial support, fuelled early speculation on not only the outcome of the 2019 general elections, but also on the factors which were likely to determine party support. Added to this was the deteriorating political and socio-economic situation in South Africa. Against this background, two national surveys were undertaken in October/November 2017 and October/ November 2018 to establish the factors at these particular times that were likely to influence the vote choice of South Africans. From both surveys it was found that South African voters increasingly base their choice of a party on rational considerations. Trust in the president was a particularly important predictor of voter choice. In the first survey, loss of trust in the president (Zuma) resulted in a loss of faith in the ANC and in support of the party; while in the second survey, the converse was true: an increase in trust in the president (Ramaphosa) reflected an increased trust in and support for the party. Other predictors of vote choice in both surveys include a desire for socio-economic well-being and hope for a better future; the fear of losing a social grant; age; and racialised party images.
2016年地方政府选举的结果导致非国大失去了大量支持,这不仅引发了对2019年大选结果的早期猜测,还引发了对可能决定政党支持的因素的猜测。此外,南非的政治和社会经济情况也在恶化。在此背景下,于2017年10月/ 11月和2018年10月/ 11月进行了两次全国调查,以确定在这些特定时期可能影响南非人投票选择的因素。从这两项调查中可以发现,南非选民越来越多地基于理性考虑来选择一个政党。对总统的信任是选民选择的一个特别重要的预测因素。在第一次调查中,对总统(祖玛)失去信任导致对非国大失去信心和对该党的支持;而在第二次调查中,情况正好相反:对总统(拉马福萨)的信任增加反映了对该党的信任和支持增加。在这两项调查中,投票选择的其他预测因素包括对社会经济福祉的渴望和对更美好未来的希望;害怕失去社会补助;年龄;以及种族化的派对形象。
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引用次数: 0
Voting with the shilling: The 'Money Talks Factor' in Kenya's Public Policy and Electoral Democracy 用先令投票:肯尼亚公共政策和选举民主中的“金钱说话因素”
Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.20940/jae/2020/v19i1a5
Wilson K. Muna, M. Otieno
The influence of money in elections has become an important ingredient in determining electoral outcomes worldwide. The use of money in political activities has adversely affected the nature of public policy, governance, competition, the rule of law, transparency, equity and democracy. Although there are laws, policies and guidelines governing the use of money during elections, there is little political will to implement them. This paper examines how money, or the lack thereof, determines electoral outcomes in multi-party democracies with a focus on Kenya, employing both the hydraulic theory and the push-and-pull paradigm. The study found that in most cases, victory in elections follows those with money; in other cases, it is the potential for victory that attracts money from self-interested donors. The study calls on electoral bodies such as the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission to honour their mandate and demand compliance with set laws and regulations in a bid to entrench governance and create a level playing field for contestants.
金钱对选举的影响已成为决定世界各地选举结果的一个重要因素。在政治活动中使用金钱对公共政策、治理、竞争、法治、透明度、公平和民主的性质产生了不利影响。虽然有法律、政策和指导方针管理选举期间的资金使用,但执行这些法律、政策和指导方针的政治意愿很少。本文以肯尼亚为研究对象,运用水力理论和推拉范式,研究了金钱或缺乏金钱如何决定多党制民主国家的选举结果。研究发现,在大多数情况下,那些有钱的人会赢得选举;在其他情况下,正是胜利的潜力吸引了自利捐助者的资金。该研究呼吁独立选举和选界委员会等选举机构履行其职责,要求遵守既定的法律法规,以巩固治理,为参赛者创造一个公平的竞争环境。
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引用次数: 0
The 2019 South African elections: Incumbency and Uncertainty 2019年南非选举:在位和不确定性
Pub Date : 2019-10-01 DOI: 10.20940/jae/2019/v18i2a7
R. Nyenhuis, Mattias Krönke
The 2019 South African elections marked the country’s sixth iteration of free and fair electoral contests since its democratisation in 1994. Although the outcome gives the African National Congress (ANC) yet another five-year mandate, the party has not gone unchallenged at the polls. It registered its lowest national vote share since the transition, a major concern for the party of liberation. The most recent contest also demonstrates the resilience of the main opposition party, the Democratic Alliance (DA), and the continued upward trajectory of its closest rival, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF). In this article, we analyse available survey data on South Africans’ attitudes and offer some empirical answers to account for the election results. We argue that race continues to feature prominently in electoral decision-making but it does so in ways that deviate slightly from conventional wisdom. Further, we put forth an explanation that the parties’ leaders played a central role in shaping citizens’ voting behaviour, especially among their own partisan supporters.
2019年南非大选标志着该国自1994年民主化以来第六次举行自由公正的选举。尽管选举结果让非洲人国民大会(ANC)获得了又一个五年的任期,但该党在选举中并非没有受到挑战。它登记了自过渡以来最低的全国选票份额,这是解放党主要关注的问题。最近的选举也显示了主要反对党民主联盟(DA)的韧性,以及最接近的竞争对手经济自由战士(EFF)的持续上升势头。在这篇文章中,我们分析了有关南非人态度的现有调查数据,并提供了一些经验答案来解释选举结果。我们认为,种族在选举决策中仍然占据重要地位,但它的作用方式与传统智慧略有不同。此外,我们提出了一个解释,即政党领导人在塑造公民投票行为方面发挥了核心作用,特别是在他们自己的党派支持者中。
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引用次数: 0
Electoral governance and democratisation in Southern Africa Post-conflict states: Electoral Management Bodies in Angola, Mozambique and South Africa 冲突后国家:安哥拉、莫桑比克和南非的选举管理机构
Pub Date : 2019-10-01 DOI: 10.20940/jae/2019/v18i2a2
Albano Agostinho Troco
Democratisation is a complex process that includes crafting political institutions. These institutions reflect existing power relations at the critical juncture of their genesis, thus influencing the development of subsequent political processes. The study uses this perspective to examine the impact of electoral governance on democratisation with a focus on three southern African post-conflict states. Specifically, the paper investigates the role of electoral management bodies (EMBs) in accounting for the distinctive regime trajectories in Angola, South Africa and Mozambique. The analysis suggests that successful attempts by incumbents to redesign EMBs after the founding elections have led to the establishment of self-serving institutions of electoral governance. This has had a negative impact on the credibility of subsequent electoral processes and the nature of the emerging regimes in the countries under scrutiny.
民主化是一个复杂的过程,包括制定政治制度。这些制度在其产生的关键时刻反映了现有的权力关系,从而影响了随后政治进程的发展。该研究使用这一视角考察了选举治理对民主化的影响,并以三个南部非洲冲突后国家为重点。具体而言,本文研究了选举管理机构(EMBs)在安哥拉、南非和莫桑比克不同政权轨迹中的作用。分析表明,在建国选举后,现任者对选举管理机构进行重新设计的成功尝试,导致了选举管理机构的自私自利。这对随后的选举进程的可信性和在接受审查的国家中正在形成的政权的性质产生了消极影响。
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引用次数: 0
Political parties and electoral offences in Nigeria: A Critical Analysis 尼日利亚政党与选举犯罪:批判性分析
Pub Date : 2019-10-01 DOI: 10.20940/jae/2019/v18i2a4
Bethel Uzoma Ihugba, C. Alfred
The paper examines the Nigerian Constitution and Electoral Act 2010 (as amended) on the role and complicity of political parties in electoral offences in Nigeria. It explores the extent to which political party activities or inactions constitute or contribute to electoral offences. The objective is to find out whether political parties are complicit in electoral offences, and whether the Electoral Act needs to be reformed to accommodate political party culpability, reduce the criminal complicity of political parties, and improve political party accountability. The paper adopts a mixed method of normative and critical analysis. Normative analysis arises from examination of doctrinal data which consist of the principles of law, provisions of the Electoral Act 2010 and the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (CFRN) 1999 and other relevant laws regarding jurisprudence in democracy and constitutionalism, in order to determine their coherence and validity. Critical analysis, on the other hand, is applied to electoral and democratic principles in extant literature and policy in order to justify the necessity of reforming electoral laws. The paper finds that the Electoral Act is silent in many instances of potential political party complicity in electoral offences. However, the law could be reformed to improve political party accountability and reduce the incidence of electoral offences in Nigeria. It recommends some policy reforms and amendments to improve the effectiveness of the Electoral Act 2010.
本文考察了尼日利亚2010年宪法和选举法(经修订)中政党在尼日利亚选举犯罪中的作用和共谋。它探讨了政党的活动或不作为在多大程度上构成或促成了选举罪。目的是查明政党是否在选举犯罪中串谋,以及是否需要改革《选举法》,以适应政党的罪责,减少政党的犯罪串谋,并改善政党问责制。本文采用规范分析与批判分析相结合的方法。规范分析源于对理论数据的审查,这些理论数据包括法律原则、2010年选举法和1999年尼日利亚联邦共和国宪法(CFRN)的规定以及其他有关民主和宪政法学的相关法律,以确定其一致性和有效性。另一方面,批判性分析被应用于现有文献和政策中的选举和民主原则,以证明改革选举法的必要性。本文发现,选举法在许多选举犯罪中潜在的政党合谋的情况下保持沉默。然而,该法律可以进行改革,以改善政党问责制,并减少尼日利亚选举犯罪的发生率。委员会建议进行一些政策改革和修订,以提高《2010年选举法》的效力。
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引用次数: 1
Gambia’s billion year president: The End of an Era and the Ensuing Political Impasse 冈比亚十亿年的总统:一个时代的终结和随之而来的政治僵局
Pub Date : 2019-10-01 DOI: 10.20940/jae/2019/v18i2a1
Essa Njie, A. Saine
The Gambia’s presidential election in December 2016 marked the end of an era for Yahya Jammeh, the man who had vowed to rule the country for ‘one billion years if Allah says so’. The resulting political impasse following Jammeh’s rejection of the results ‘in its entirety’ and his refusal to step down plunged the country into political uncertainty. This paper explores the end of Jammeh’s 22-year rule in Africa’s smallest mainland country, focussing on the 2016 polls which he lost to former realtor, Adama Barrow. The election offers relevant lessons to students of political transitions and contemporary election discourse in Africa and provides an analysis of some of the factors that accounted for his defeat.
2016年12月冈比亚的总统选举标志着叶海亚·贾梅(Yahya Jammeh)一个时代的结束,他曾发誓要“如果安拉允许的话”统治这个国家10亿年。贾梅拒绝接受“全部”选举结果,并拒绝下台,由此导致的政治僵局使该国陷入政治不确定性。本文探讨了贾梅在非洲最小的大陆国家22年统治的结束,重点关注他在2016年的民意调查中输给了前房地产经纪人阿达玛·巴罗。这次选举为研究非洲政治转型和当代选举话语的学生提供了相关的课程,并分析了导致他失败的一些因素。
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引用次数: 4
Opinion: The world Robert Mugabe left behind 观点:罗伯特·穆加贝留下的世界
Pub Date : 2019-10-01 DOI: 10.20940/jae/2019/v18i2a8
Stephen Chan
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引用次数: 0
Facebook image-making in Zimbabwe’s 2018 election campaigns: Social Media and Emerging Trends in Political Marketing Facebook在津巴布韦2018年竞选活动中的形象塑造:社交媒体和政治营销的新趋势
Pub Date : 2019-10-01 DOI: 10.20940/jae/2019/v18i2a5
Wishes Tendayi Mututwa, O. Osunkunle, Brenda Mututwa
This article explores changing political communication and marketing trends in Zimbabwe when presidential candidates used Facebook to reach out, largely to the youth and urban voters, during the 2018 election campaign. Recent studies have identified the power of social media as a platform on which politicians portray images that convince the electorate to vote for them. These images can be created through the photographs, video footage and texts that politicians post on their Facebook pages. The study employed a qualitative approach to establish the role played by political imagery used by contesting parties and candidates in the campaign period ahead of the 2018 elections in Zimbabwe, in particular the frontrunners and larger political parties. MDC-Alliance presidential candidate Nelson Chamisa and ZanuPF candidate Emmerson Mnangagwa were both serious contenders for the presidency. The analysis sheds light on the implications of image-making and modern political trends in Zimbabwe and how Facebook manages to reach out to the targeted electorate.
本文探讨2018年大选期间,津巴布韦总统候选人使用Facebook与年轻人和城市选民进行接触,政治沟通和营销趋势的变化。最近的研究发现,社交媒体的力量是一个平台,政客们在这个平台上塑造形象,说服选民投票给他们。这些图像可以通过政客们在他们的Facebook页面上发布的照片、视频片段和文本来创建。该研究采用了定性方法,确定了2018年津巴布韦选举前竞选期间,竞选政党和候选人,特别是领跑者和较大政党所使用的政治形象所发挥的作用。民主变革运动联盟的总统候选人纳尔逊·查米萨和非洲民族团结联盟的候选人埃默森·姆南加古瓦都是总统的有力竞争者。该分析揭示了津巴布韦的形象塑造和现代政治趋势的含义,以及Facebook如何设法接触到目标选民。
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引用次数: 1
Using on-line platforms to observe and monitor elections: A Netnography of Mozambique 利用线上平台观察与监督选举:莫三比克网路纪录
Pub Date : 2019-10-01 DOI: 10.20940/jae/2019/v18i2a3
Dércio Tsandzana
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Journal of African Elections
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