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Text of Pindar, Olympian 13.107–108 品达文本,奥林匹克13.107-108
Pub Date : 2023-04-12 DOI: 10.33063/er.v113i.203
N. Lane
This note proposes a new solution to the textual crux at Pind. Ol. 13.107–108. 
本文提出了一种解决Pind文本难点的新方法。Ol。-108 - 13.107。
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引用次数: 0
Venus as Epicurean Nature 维纳斯是伊壁鸠鲁的自然
Pub Date : 2023-04-12 DOI: 10.33063/er.v113i.207
Chris Eckerman
Scholars have long recognized that Lucretius alludes to Empedocles’ four-root theory at DRN 1.1–5 and 1.6–9. And they have suggested that he, in doing so, shows respect for Empedocles, either as a philosophical predecessor, as a literary predecessor, or as both. I argue that Lucretius, in alluding to Empedocles’ four-root theory, deprecates Empedocles’ four-root theory. I suggest that Lucretius, employing polemical allusion, makes the argument that Epicurean physical theory gets the constituents of nature correct and that four-root theory does not (1–5) and that Epicurean atomic theory worsts four-root theory as a philosophical competitor (6–9). Thus, Lucretius opens his poem with a fervent endorsement of Epicurean physiologia. Lucretius’ attack against four-root theory may be read not only as an attack against Empedocles but also as an attack against several prominent philosophical schools that promoted four-root theory. 
学者们早就认识到卢克莱修在DRN 1.1-5和1.6-9中暗示了恩培多克勒斯的四根理论。他们认为,他这样做,是对恩培多克勒的尊重,或者是对他的哲学前辈,或者是对他的文学前辈,或者两者兼而有之。我认为卢克莱修在暗指恩培多克勒斯的四根理论时,贬低了恩培多克勒斯的四根理论。我认为卢克莱修采用了争议性的暗示,认为伊壁鸠鲁的物理理论正确地解释了自然的组成部分,而四根理论却没有(1-5),而且伊壁鸠鲁的原子理论在哲学上比四根理论差(6-9)。因此,卢克莱修以对伊壁鸠鲁生理学的热烈支持来开启他的诗。卢克莱修对四根理论的攻击不仅可以被解读为对恩培多克勒斯的攻击,也可以被解读为对几家提倡四根理论的著名哲学学派的攻击。
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引用次数: 0
Pan’s metapoetic role in Vergil’s Eclogues 潘在维吉尔《牧歌》中的元诗歌角色
Pub Date : 2023-04-12 DOI: 10.33063/er.v113i.206
George C. Paraskeviotis
This article aims at providing a commentary on every mention of Pan in the Vergilian collection (Ecl. 2, 4, 5, 8 and 10) to illustrate his metapoetic role, which constitutes the feature of the god that is mostly highlighted by Vergil in the Eclogues. It is argued that Pan stands for the pastoral music/ poetry which the urban Alexis will enjoy by entering the country, he enables Vergil to broaden the limits of the pastoral genre, he represents the return of the pastoral music/ poetry in the countryside after Daphnis’s apotheosis and he defines the limits between pastoral and elegiac genre. Hence, Pan’s metapoetic dimension is highly important and fits well with the metapoetic status of the herdsmen and of the entire collection. 
本文旨在对《牧歌集》(Ecl. 2、4、5、8和10)中每一处提到潘的地方进行评析,以说明他的元诗角色,这构成了维吉尔在《牧歌集》中最突出的神的特征。潘代表了城市亚历克西斯进入乡村后所享受的田园音乐/诗歌,他使维吉尔拓宽了田园音乐/诗歌的界限,他代表了达福尼斯神化后田园音乐/诗歌在乡村的回归,他界定了田园音乐/诗歌与挽歌类型之间的界限。因此,潘的元诗歌维度是非常重要的,与牧民和整个集合的元诗歌地位非常吻合。
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引用次数: 0
Konjektur zu Lucr. 5,1442
Pub Date : 2023-04-12 DOI: 10.33063/er.v113i.208
H. Ullrich
An emendation on the text of Lucretius, De rerum natura 5.1442 is offered. 
对卢克莱修的文本的修订,自然论5.1442提供。
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引用次数: 0
Dialog hinter den Worten: Zu den dramaturgischen Augenblicken des Wechsels zwischen Gesang und Sprechversen auf der Bühne des Aischylos 这样的故事背后的对话:比如阿尔斯基罗斯舞台上歌曲和接韵的变迁的戏剧化时刻
Pub Date : 2023-04-12 DOI: 10.33063/er.v113i.197
András Kárpáti
This paper aims to show how Aeschylus uses abrupt shifts of musical register in order to explore or to express what characters for some reason cannot verbalize. After specifying what is meant by an ‘abrupt shift of musical register’, I analyse the dramatic function of this effect by examining the three instances in Aeschylus where an epirrhematic section turns abruptly into an amoibaion (Ag. 1072–1177 and 1407–1576) or vice versa (Supp. 825–910). In Aeschylus’ dramaturgy, the lyric/epirrhematic dialogue between a character and the chorus, embedded as it is in Greek mousikē and song-dance culture, seems inherently open to communicating on an additional, wordless ʻchannelʼ.
本文旨在展示埃斯库罗斯如何利用音乐音域的突变来探索或表达人物由于某种原因无法用语言表达的东西。在明确了“音乐音域的突然转变”的含义之后,我通过考察埃斯库罗斯的三个例子来分析这种效果的戏剧功能,其中一个溢血部分突然变成了变奏(Ag. 1072-1177和1407-1576),反之则相反(Supp. 825-910)。在埃斯库罗斯的戏剧中,角色与合唱队之间的抒情/抒情性对话,就像希腊的鼠语和歌舞文化一样,似乎天生就可以在一个额外的、无声的“渠道”上进行交流。
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引用次数: 0
Double Meaning in Sophocles’ Electra 1110–1111 and the Tragedy’s Denouement 索福克勒斯《伊莱克特拉》(1110-1111)的双重意义与悲剧的结局
Pub Date : 2023-04-12 DOI: 10.33063/er.v113i.202
Josh Beer
In Electra 1111 there is a pun on the word Strophios, suggesting that Orestes is a “trickster”. After examining the differences of the accentuation of the word in the MSS, I consider the significance of the pun for interpreting the denouement of the tragedy. Much of the tragedy provides an intertextual dialogue with Aeschylus’ Oresteia but, in contrast to Aeschylus, the main emphasis of the curse on the family falls on Pelops not Atreus. The tragedy was first performed during the Peloponnesian War. All previous versions of the myth from the 6th century onwards seem to have had a political bias. If we take into account the subtlety of Sophoclean irony, Electra can be read as anti-Spartan. In the Peloponnesian War the Delphic Apollo was pro-Spartan (Thuc. 1.118.3). His oracle, enjoining Orestes to use deceit in his revenge, frames the whole dramatic action. Proverbially, wolves were known for deceit. In several passages of Electra, Apollo is identified as Lykeios “wolf-like”, noticeably at l. 1379, before Electra enters the curse-ridden house.
在《伊莱克特拉》1111中,斯特罗菲俄斯这个词有一个双关语,暗示俄瑞斯忒斯是一个“骗子”。在研究了MSS中这个词的重音差异之后,我考虑了双关语对解释悲剧结局的重要性。悲剧的大部分内容提供了与埃斯库罗斯笔下的俄瑞斯忒亚的互文对话,但与埃斯库罗斯相反,诅咒的重点落在了珀洛普斯身上,而不是阿特罗伊斯。这出悲剧首次上演是在伯罗奔尼撒战争期间。从6世纪开始的所有神话版本似乎都带有政治偏见。如果我们考虑到索福克林讽刺的微妙之处,伊莱克特拉可以被解读为反斯巴达。在伯罗奔尼撒战争中,德尔菲阿波罗是亲斯巴达的(Thuc. 1.118.3)。他的神谕命令俄瑞斯忒斯用欺骗来报复,这构成了整个戏剧性的行动。众所周知,狼是出了名的骗子。在《伊莱克特拉》的几个段落中,阿波罗被认为是“狼一样的”Lykeios,特别是在1379年11月,在伊莱克特拉进入诅咒肆虐的房子之前。
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引用次数: 0
laudes Galli at the end of Virgil’s Georgics 在维吉尔的《圣歌》的结尾,加利称赞道
Pub Date : 2023-04-12 DOI: 10.33063/er.v113i.205
Paola Gagliardi
The age-old controversy as to the laudes Galli at the end of Virgil’s Georgics is examined in the light of a recent paper: putting the elimination of verses dedicated by Virgil to his friend in the context of the events which caused Gallus’ downfall and the emotional reactions to his death, my paper affords a different perspective and allows a fresh discussion of some of the more complex and delicate aspects of the question.
关于维吉尔的《圣歌》结尾赞颂加利的古老争议在最近的一篇论文中得到了审视:把维吉尔献给他朋友的诗句的删除放在导致加鲁斯倒台的事件和对他的死亡的情感反应的背景下,我的论文提供了一个不同的视角,并允许对这个问题的一些更复杂和微妙的方面进行新的讨论。
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引用次数: 0
Note on Ciris 47 关于Ciris 47的注释
Pub Date : 2023-04-12 DOI: 10.33063/er.v113i.210
W. Olszaniec
This note contains a suggestion to the text of the Ciris. The author proposes a new way of completing the lacuna in line 47 and discusses other possible issues in this verse. 
本注释包含对《宪章》文本的建议。作者提出了一种新的方式来填补第47行中的空白,并讨论了本节中其他可能的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Conjectural Emendations in the Aeneid, 4.436 & 12.423 埃涅阿斯纪,4.436 & 12.423的推测性修正
Pub Date : 2023-04-12 DOI: 10.33063/er.v113i.211
E. Kraggerud
  I: A. 4.436 has caused commentators and interpreters serious worries and have done so for two millennia: (1) Which reading is correct, dederit or dederis? (2) Which varia lectio is preferable, cumulatam or cumulatā? (3) What does morte refer to? (4) What is meant by (veniam) remittere? These issues are constantly seeking some form of unified solution. The 19th century made several attempts at conjectures none of which gained ground. After discussing the best among these at length (Philip Wagner’s 1832 proposal) the time has come to move outside the well-trodden paths and make a new try at a solution. II: Taking his point of departure from an error in Hirtzel’s Vergil edition (OCT 1900) the author advocates a new text at A. 12.423, nullā for nullo, finding the resulting 
A. 4.436引起了评论员和口译员的严重担忧,这种担忧已经持续了两千年:(1)哪一种解读是正确的,dederit还是dederis?(2)累积式和累积式哪一种选择比较好?morte指的是什么?(4)什么是(威尼斯)汇款?这些问题一直在寻求某种形式的统一解决方案。19世纪曾有过几次猜测的尝试,但都没有取得成功。在详细讨论了其中最好的(菲利普·瓦格纳1832年的提议)之后,现在是时候走出老路,对解决方案进行新的尝试了。II:从Hirtzel的Vergil版本(OCT 1900)中的一个错误出发,作者主张在a . 12.423, nullna为nullo,找到了结果
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引用次数: 0
Tribes of Romulus and the Priesthoods of Rome 罗穆卢斯的部落和罗马的祭司
Pub Date : 2023-04-12 DOI: 10.33063/er.v113i.204
J. H. Richardson
The early Roman state is widely held to have been organised on the basis of three tribes, the Tities, Ramnes and Luceres. According to some (ancient writers and modern scholars alike), it was from these tribes that various priests were originally recruited. This view, however, is not really supported by the evidence. It is quite clearly an antiquarian reconstruction, and is most likely the work of M. Terentius Varro. Not only is this conclusion in keeping with the argument—sometimes spurned, but largely just ignored—that the Romulean tribes may themselves be an antiquarian reconstruction, but it may also shed some light on Varro’s handling of Rome’s priesthoods in his lost work, the Human and Divine Antiquities. An impartial assessment of the evidence also reveals just how little the Romans actually knew about the early history of even their most important priesthoods. 
人们普遍认为,早期的罗马国家是由三个部落组成的:提提人、拉姆内人和卢塞莱斯人。根据一些人(古代作家和现代学者一样)的说法,最初从这些部落中招募了各种各样的祭司。然而,这种观点并没有真正得到证据的支持。很明显,这是古物学家的重建作品,很可能是特伦提乌斯·瓦罗先生的作品。这一结论不仅与罗穆尔人部落本身可能是古物学家重建的论点(有时被抛弃,但很大程度上被忽视)相一致,而且还可能为瓦罗在其失传的著作《人与神的古物》中对罗马祭司的处理提供一些启示。对证据的公正评估也揭示了罗马人实际上对他们最重要的祭司的早期历史知之甚少。
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Eranos - Acta philologica Suecana
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