This paper explores the social function of Latin in the early Islamic Maghrib and the concerns of the local communities who continued to use the language beyond the Arab capture of Carthage in 697/98. By focussing on those Latin sources whose origins can be assigned to North Africa between the end of the seventh and the mid-thirteenth century, it considers evidence for the use of Latin as a language of Christian commemoration, worship, and education; the survival of Latin and then Romance as a spoken language in the medieval Maghrib; the role of Latin as at least a short-lived language of religious disputation between the region’s new Muslim ruling class and their Christian and Jewish subjects; and the use of Latin as a language of trans-Mediterranean communications. The language probably enjoyed a more robust afterlife in Islamic North Africa than scholars have sometimes imagined, yet the way in which Latin was deployed in mediating relationships overseas may ultimately have undermined sustained interest in the region by medieval European Christians.
{"title":"Latinity in Early Islamic North Africa","authors":"Jonathan P. Conant","doi":"10.33063/er.v112i.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33063/er.v112i.7","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the social function of Latin in the early Islamic Maghrib and the concerns of the local communities who continued to use the language beyond the Arab capture of Carthage in 697/98. By focussing on those Latin sources whose origins can be assigned to North Africa between the end of the seventh and the mid-thirteenth century, it considers evidence for the use of Latin as a language of Christian commemoration, worship, and education; the survival of Latin and then Romance as a spoken language in the medieval Maghrib; the role of Latin as at least a short-lived language of religious disputation between the region’s new Muslim ruling class and their Christian and Jewish subjects; and the use of Latin as a language of trans-Mediterranean communications. The language probably enjoyed a more robust afterlife in Islamic North Africa than scholars have sometimes imagined, yet the way in which Latin was deployed in mediating relationships overseas may ultimately have undermined sustained interest in the region by medieval European Christians.","PeriodicalId":160536,"journal":{"name":"Eranos - Acta philologica Suecana","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129355054","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This introduction sets the scene for six essays devoted to the study of the discourse of Latin. Despite the fall of the Western Roman Empire in the fifth century, Latin remained the dominant code of communication in European society for a millennium. And yet in the minds of many of its most prolific users and commentators, it has experienced a continuous cycle of existential crises. After multiple reappraisals and re-fashionings of Latinity in the early and high Middle Ages, the self-conscious definition of language and its relationship to culture which arose in fourteenth-century Italy led to the bestowal of the much-controverted title of “renaissance” on the ensuing age. But, with respect to Latinity, was (and is) this label a distinction without a difference? Not only in the Quattrocento, but also in earlier and later eras, cultivating “good Latin”, however this was defined, and indeed being seen to cultivate it were matters of the utmost importance, an inexhaustible wellspring of sociocultural capital. Our object here is to study the language of the language itself: the valueattributed to Latin, its standing vis-à-vis other languages, the qualities linked with it, and the issues in which it was implicated. Our remit is Latinity after Antiquity, and the six essays which follow range from late antique North Africa to nineteenth-century Hungary.
{"title":"Latinity: Rhetoric and Anxiety after Antiquity","authors":"Graham Barret, Oren J. Margolis","doi":"10.33063/er.v112i.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33063/er.v112i.6","url":null,"abstract":"This introduction sets the scene for six essays devoted to the study of the discourse of Latin. Despite the fall of the Western Roman Empire in the fifth century, Latin remained the dominant code of communication in European society for a millennium. And yet in the minds of many of its most prolific users and commentators, it has experienced a continuous cycle of existential crises. After multiple reappraisals and re-fashionings of Latinity in the early and high Middle Ages, the self-conscious definition of language and its relationship to culture which arose in fourteenth-century Italy led to the bestowal of the much-controverted title of “renaissance” on the ensuing age. But, with respect to Latinity, was (and is) this label a distinction without a difference? Not only in the Quattrocento, but also in earlier and later eras, cultivating “good Latin”, however this was defined, and indeed being seen to cultivate it were matters of the utmost importance, an inexhaustible wellspring of sociocultural capital. Our object here is to study the language of the language itself: the valueattributed to Latin, its standing vis-à-vis other languages, the qualities linked with it, and the issues in which it was implicated. Our remit is Latinity after Antiquity, and the six essays which follow range from late antique North Africa to nineteenth-century Hungary.","PeriodicalId":160536,"journal":{"name":"Eranos - Acta philologica Suecana","volume":"121 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129086382","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract: In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century in the kingdom of Hungary, intellectuals and politicians were fiercely debating the merits and dangers of Latin. In a country in which Latin was still the official language, and the second language of elites, this was no mere academic discussion. Rather, it concerned both the practical aspects of coexistence in a complex multi-ethnic feudal polity and the question of the identity of the nation and its development. The social and political role of Latinity was negotiated by its supporters and detractors in the Diet, the county assemblies of the nobles, and in countless pamphlets and newspaper articles. In 1808, a surreptitious attempt to steer the public debate on the topic led to an essay competition known as the “Tübingen Call”, which attracted a fair number of submissions. The surviving essays from the competition present a wide range of arguments for and against the use of Latin from various points of view, which are reviewed and analysed here.
{"title":"The Merits and Dangers of Latin:","authors":"Lav Šubarić","doi":"10.33063/er.v112i.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33063/er.v112i.12","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century in the kingdom of Hungary, intellectuals and politicians were fiercely debating the merits and dangers of Latin. In a country in which Latin was still the official language, and the second language of elites, this was no mere academic discussion. Rather, it concerned both the practical aspects of coexistence in a complex multi-ethnic feudal polity and the question of the identity of the nation and its development. The social and political role of Latinity was negotiated by its supporters and detractors in the Diet, the county assemblies of the nobles, and in countless pamphlets and newspaper articles. In 1808, a surreptitious attempt to steer the public debate on the topic led to an essay competition known as the “Tübingen Call”, which attracted a fair number of submissions. The surviving essays from the competition present a wide range of arguments for and against the use of Latin from various points of view, which are reviewed and analysed here.","PeriodicalId":160536,"journal":{"name":"Eranos - Acta philologica Suecana","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116800546","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the late sixteenth century, five Jesuit brothers led by Rodolfo Acquaviva (1550–84) set out for the court of the Mughal emperor Julāl-ud-Dīn Muhammad Akbar (1556–1605). Unfortunately, their dream of founding a mission in India was brutally terminated by local opposition in July 1584. When their martyrdom was announced in Rome, it was immediately celebrated by Francesco Benci (1542–94), professor of rhetoric at the Collegium Romanum, in a six-book epic, Quinque martyres e Societate Iesu in India (Venice: Muschius, 1591). The poem was the first of a new type of epic, distinct from yet dependent upon the Classical tradition. This paper emphasises Benci’s innovation by analysing his transformation of the language and ethos of Classical epic into a new form, Jesuit neo-Latin epic. The Paciecidos (Coimbra: Universitatis Typographus, 1640), written by Bartholomeu Pereira (1588–1650), professor of Scripture at the Jesuit college in Coimbra, continues in the same tradition. This twelve-book epic extols the missionary exploits of his cousin Francisco Pacheco (1566–1626), Provincial of the Society of Jesus in Japan, chronicling Pacheco’s voyage from Macau, his covert missionary work during the Christian persecutions under the Shogun, and his eventual arrest. The poem culminates in horrific scenes of the martyrdom of Pacheco and eight companions at Nagasaki in June 1626.
在16世纪后期，五个耶稣会兄弟在Rodolfo Acquaviva(1550-84)的带领下出发前往莫卧儿皇帝Julāl-ud-Dīn Muhammad Akbar(1556-1605)的宫廷。不幸的是，他们在印度建立传教会的梦想在1584年7月被当地的反对派残酷地终止了。当他们的殉难在罗马被宣布时，罗马学院的修辞学教授弗朗西斯科·本西(1542-94)立即在一部六卷史诗《印度的殉道者》中庆祝了这一消息(威尼斯:Muschius, 1591)。这首诗是一种新的史诗类型的第一首，有别于古典传统，但又依赖于古典传统。本文通过分析本西将古典史诗的语言和精神转变为一种新的形式——耶稣会新拉丁史诗，来强调本西的创新。《Paciecidos》(科英布拉:Universitatis Typographus, 1640)由科英布拉耶稣会学院的圣经教授巴塞洛缪·佩雷拉(Bartholomeu Pereira, 1588-1650)撰写，延续了同样的传统。这部十二卷的史诗歌颂了他的堂兄弗朗西斯科·帕切科(1566-1626)在日本耶稣会的传教成就，记录了帕切科从澳门出发的航程，他在幕府将军迫害基督教期间的秘密传教工作，以及他最终被捕。这首诗以1626年6月帕切科和八名同伴在长崎殉难的可怕场景为高潮。
{"title":"Refashioning the Heroic:","authors":"Paul Gwynne","doi":"10.33063/er.v112i.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33063/er.v112i.11","url":null,"abstract":"In the late sixteenth century, five Jesuit brothers led by Rodolfo Acquaviva (1550–84) set out for the court of the Mughal emperor Julāl-ud-Dīn Muhammad Akbar (1556–1605). Unfortunately, their dream of founding a mission in India was brutally terminated by local opposition in July 1584. When their martyrdom was announced in Rome, it was immediately celebrated by Francesco Benci (1542–94), professor of rhetoric at the Collegium Romanum, in a six-book epic, Quinque martyres e Societate Iesu in India (Venice: Muschius, 1591). The poem was the first of a new type of epic, distinct from yet dependent upon the Classical tradition. This paper emphasises Benci’s innovation by analysing his transformation of the language and ethos of Classical epic into a new form, Jesuit neo-Latin epic. The Paciecidos (Coimbra: Universitatis Typographus, 1640), written by Bartholomeu Pereira (1588–1650), professor of Scripture at the Jesuit college in Coimbra, continues in the same tradition. This twelve-book epic extols the missionary exploits of his cousin Francisco Pacheco (1566–1626), Provincial of the Society of Jesus in Japan, chronicling Pacheco’s voyage from Macau, his covert missionary work during the Christian persecutions under the Shogun, and his eventual arrest. The poem culminates in horrific scenes of the martyrdom of Pacheco and eight companions at Nagasaki in June 1626.","PeriodicalId":160536,"journal":{"name":"Eranos - Acta philologica Suecana","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122176514","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The division between male and female Classical scholars, articulated in early modern discourse, presents a real tension between female scholarship and the humanist movement’s claims of cultivating male leaders. Such rhetorical difference, however, underplays the extent to which female Latinists were able to access and utilise Latin as part of a dynamic and distinctly sixteenth-century sociocultural code. The education and humanistic activity of Lady Jane Lumley (1537–78) are a valuable case study for our understanding of the use of Latin as a cultural resource for both men and women in sixteenth-century England. Through the interrogation of Lumley’s personal library, this article claims that, in addition to her well-researched translations from Greek, her education in early modern Latin provided her with a set of skills and practices which had significance beyond a public, political context. Outlining the development of reading practices, collecting, and network-building, this study demonstrates the extent of intellectual reciprocity between supposedly male and female humanist curricula, and the cultural value to both sexes of the practices taught.
{"title":"Repurposing Rhetoric:","authors":"A. Clark","doi":"10.33063/er.v112i.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33063/er.v112i.10","url":null,"abstract":"The division between male and female Classical scholars, articulated in early modern discourse, presents a real tension between female scholarship and the humanist movement’s claims of cultivating male leaders. Such rhetorical difference, however, underplays the extent to which female Latinists were able to access and utilise Latin as part of a dynamic and distinctly sixteenth-century sociocultural code. The education and humanistic activity of Lady Jane Lumley (1537–78) are a valuable case study for our understanding of the use of Latin as a cultural resource for both men and women in sixteenth-century England. Through the interrogation of Lumley’s personal library, this article claims that, in addition to her well-researched translations from Greek, her education in early modern Latin provided her with a set of skills and practices which had significance beyond a public, political context. Outlining the development of reading practices, collecting, and network-building, this study demonstrates the extent of intellectual reciprocity between supposedly male and female humanist curricula, and the cultural value to both sexes of the practices taught.","PeriodicalId":160536,"journal":{"name":"Eranos - Acta philologica Suecana","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131033603","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The discipline known as ars dictaminis was perhaps the most successful attempt to create an autonomous medieval doctrine of rhetoric. Emerging around 1080, it remained influential well into the fifteenth century. Although numerous studies have emphasised its importance in western communication, it is often described simply as a pragmatic art of writing letters, focussed on salutatio and social hierarchy. This paper tries to explain why, at its apogee (1180–1340) and even later, it was considered a total art of writing, with a complex ideology, a vast range of related textual forms, and a subtle balance between its literary potentialities and its political-administrative purposes. After abrief history of the development and evolution of the ars, we focus on its two most original characteristics: its distinctive deployment of metaphor and the technique of rhythmical ornamentation known as cursus rhythmicus. From there, we see how the expansion and dissemination of teaching material consisting of texts invented or recycled from chanceries led to the progressive development of a sort of medieval “database”, and to the invention of a subtle semi-formulaic art of writing, very different from the reputation of the dictamen for simple formulaic prose.
{"title":"The Forgotten Empire of Ars dictaminis (Eleventh-Fifteenth Centuries)","authors":"Benoît Grévin","doi":"10.33063/er.v112i.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33063/er.v112i.8","url":null,"abstract":"The discipline known as ars dictaminis was perhaps the most successful attempt to create an autonomous medieval doctrine of rhetoric. Emerging around 1080, it remained influential well into the fifteenth century. Although numerous studies have emphasised its importance in western communication, it is often described simply as a pragmatic art of writing letters, focussed on salutatio and social hierarchy. This paper tries to explain why, at its apogee (1180–1340) and even later, it was considered a total art of writing, with a complex ideology, a vast range of related textual forms, and a subtle balance between its literary potentialities and its political-administrative purposes. After abrief history of the development and evolution of the ars, we focus on its two most original characteristics: its distinctive deployment of metaphor and the technique of rhythmical ornamentation known as cursus rhythmicus. From there, we see how the expansion and dissemination of teaching material consisting of texts invented or recycled from chanceries led to the progressive development of a sort of medieval “database”, and to the invention of a subtle semi-formulaic art of writing, very different from the reputation of the dictamen for simple formulaic prose.","PeriodicalId":160536,"journal":{"name":"Eranos - Acta philologica Suecana","volume":"94 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126322748","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The early fifteenth century saw some scholars in Italy promote a new commitment to Ciceronianism. This is often perceived as the start of the revival of Classical “purity”, a stepping-stone towards “neo-Latin”, but, during their lifetimes, the humanist contribution was to provide one Latin which sat alongside other varieties. This article considers the interactions between those Latins, both within Italy and across the length of Europe, to distant Britain. There was a very practical reason to accept that there was a range of Latinities: the need to be understood; this is reflected in the debate between Flavio Biondo and Leonardo Bruni on the languages of ancient Rome. Likewise, humanist creativity was sometimes dependent on other forms of Latinity: a telling example involves Tito Livio Frulovisi’s Vita Henrici Quinti and its debt to a florid Anglo-Latin text, the Vita et Gesta Henrici Quinti. The differences, however, were not solely between humanists and others, as is shown by the contrasts between some humanists’ epistolae familiares and their official writings as chancellors: in this regard, Leonardo Bruni’s letters to Humfrey, duke of Gloucester, can be compared with those of his counterpart in Genoa, Jacopo Bracelli, to Henry VI of England. Finally, the use in England of humanist ghost-writers, Pietro del Monte and Antonio Beccaria, in the 1430s and 1440s gives a suggestion of how the “new” Latin was perceived far from its homeland.
15世纪早期，意大利的一些学者提倡一种新的西塞罗主义。这通常被认为是古典“纯粹”复兴的开始，是迈向“新拉丁语”的垫脚石，但是，在他们的一生中，人文主义的贡献是提供了一种与其他种类并列的拉丁语。这篇文章考虑了这些拉丁人之间的相互作用，既在意大利境内，也横跨整个欧洲，直到遥远的英国。有一个非常实际的理由让我们接受存在一系列的拉丁裔:需要被理解;这反映在弗拉维奥·比昂多和莱昂纳多·布鲁尼之间关于古罗马语言的辩论中。同样，人文主义的创造力有时也依赖于其他形式的拉丁语:一个很好的例子是Tito Livio Frulovisi的《亨利西·昆蒂的生命》(Vita Henrici Quinti)，以及它对华丽的盎格鲁-拉丁文本《亨利西·昆蒂的生命》(Vita et Gesta Henrici Quinti)的借鉴。然而，差异不仅仅存在于人文主义者和其他人之间，正如一些人文主义者的熟悉书信和他们作为总理的官方作品之间的对比所显示的那样:在这方面，列奥纳多·布鲁尼给格洛斯特公爵汉弗莱的信可以与他在热那亚的同行雅各布·布拉切利给英格兰亨利六世的信相比较。最后，14世纪30年代和40年代英国人文主义代笔作家彼得罗·德尔·蒙特和安东尼奥·贝卡利亚的使用表明，“新”拉丁语是如何被认为远离其祖国的。
{"title":"Divided by a Common Language?","authors":"D. Rundle","doi":"10.33063/er.v112i.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33063/er.v112i.9","url":null,"abstract":"The early fifteenth century saw some scholars in Italy promote a new commitment to Ciceronianism. This is often perceived as the start of the revival of Classical “purity”, a stepping-stone towards “neo-Latin”, but, during their lifetimes, the humanist contribution was to provide one Latin which sat alongside other varieties. This article considers the interactions between those Latins, both within Italy and across the length of Europe, to distant Britain. There was a very practical reason to accept that there was a range of Latinities: the need to be understood; this is reflected in the debate between Flavio Biondo and Leonardo Bruni on the languages of ancient Rome. Likewise, humanist creativity was sometimes dependent on other forms of Latinity: a telling example involves Tito Livio Frulovisi’s Vita Henrici Quinti and its debt to a florid Anglo-Latin text, the Vita et Gesta Henrici Quinti. The differences, however, were not solely between humanists and others, as is shown by the contrasts between some humanists’ epistolae familiares and their official writings as chancellors: in this regard, Leonardo Bruni’s letters to Humfrey, duke of Gloucester, can be compared with those of his counterpart in Genoa, Jacopo Bracelli, to Henry VI of England. Finally, the use in England of humanist ghost-writers, Pietro del Monte and Antonio Beccaria, in the 1430s and 1440s gives a suggestion of how the “new” Latin was perceived far from its homeland.","PeriodicalId":160536,"journal":{"name":"Eranos - Acta philologica Suecana","volume":"100 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115738237","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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