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Environment and Society in the Long Late Antiquity ed. by Adam Izdebski and Michael Mulryan (review) Adam Izdebski和Michael Mulryan主编的《古代晚期的环境与社会》(综述)
IF 0.2 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/jla.2022.0034
S. Bruce
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引用次数: 0
The Making of Medieval Rome: A New Profile of the City, 400–1420 by Hendrik Dey (review) 《中世纪罗马的形成:城市的新面貌,400-1420》亨德里克·戴伊著(书评)
IF 0.2 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/jla.2022.0031
D. Kinney
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引用次数: 0
Where Are the Names of the Iovii and Herculii? Exploring Christian Responses to Tetrarchic Material Culture 爱奥维和赫古力的名字在哪里?探索基督教对四帝制物质文化的反应
IF 0.2 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/jla.2022.0022
Rebecca Usherwood
Abstract:This essay explores the relationship between traditional and Christian concepts of imperial failure and disgrace. Using the writings of Eusebius and Lactantius as a springboard, I discuss the significance of the idea that emperors suffered body, image, and name destruction as a consequence of persecuting the Christians. This is then related to a body of epigraphic evidence in North Africa from the time of the first tetrarchy, where numerous examples of the erasure of imperial names have led to suggestions that these are the result of "Christians" targeting their persecutors. This essay evaluates the likelihood of this and considers it in relation to the ways in which the memory of the Great Persecution was cultivated in this region. Through a close analysis of the context of some of these erasures, I argue that they should not be seen as random acts of religious extremism but as part of the careful management of urban spaces by municipal elites in this period. The ambiguity of these modifications left it unclear whether the stigmatization of imperial names was due to the political or religious failure of these emperors, thus merging the two meanings. This was advantageous, since the traditional practice of name-erasure could be interpreted in different ways depending on the values of the viewer and thus represented common ground between different groups.
摘要:本文探讨了传统观念与基督教观念之间的关系。以尤西比乌斯和拉坦提乌斯的著作为跳板,我讨论了皇帝因迫害基督徒而遭受身体、形象和名字毁灭这一观点的意义。这与北非第一次君主制时期的大量碑文证据有关,在那里,大量删除帝国名称的例子表明,这些都是“基督徒”针对迫害者的结果。本文评估了这种可能性,并将其与该地区培养大迫害记忆的方式联系起来。通过仔细分析其中一些擦除的背景,我认为不应将其视为宗教极端主义的随机行为,而应将其看作这一时期市政精英对城市空间精心管理的一部分。这些修改的模糊性使人们不清楚帝国名称的污名化是由于这些皇帝的政治或宗教失败,从而融合了这两种含义。这是有利的,因为根据观看者的价值观,可以以不同的方式解释传统的名字删除做法,从而代表了不同群体之间的共同点。
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引用次数: 0
Lactantius and Empire: Political Theology in On the Deaths of the Persecutors 拉克坦提乌斯与帝国:《论迫害者之死》中的政治神学
IF 0.2 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/jla.2022.0020
J. Corke-Webster
Abstract:This article presents a new reading of On the Deaths of the Persecutors as a means to better appreciate Lactantius's political theology. Starting with this text's oddest feature—that though it ostensibly focuses on imperial mistreatment of Christians and the divine punishment that it provoked, much of it in fact does not discuss Christians or Christianity at all—and reading it both in its historical (non-Constantinian) context and as an active intervention in the ideological competition of Lactantius's day, can, I suggest, put our understanding of Lactantius's political theology on a new footing. I argue, first, that Lactantius sought to highlight the dysfunctionality of the non-Christian tetrarchs' interrelationships; second, that he suggested that these intra-imperial machinations had catalyzed systematic mistreatment of household and subject, and sustained social and economic disruption in the empire at large—in other words a continuation of the third century "crisis"—and, third, that he offered Christianity and Christians as delivering that which the non-Christian tetrarchs had not: harmonious imperial relationships, positive treatment of households, and a stable empire. This represents the practical working out of a theory of iustitia inherited from but designed to supersede Cicero. Read thus, On the Deaths of the Persecutors becomes the crown in Lactantius's oeuvre, a crucial epilogue to the Divine Institutes in which Lactantius sought to work through the practical consequences of his theology.
摘要:本文通过对《迫害者之死》的重新解读,更好地理解拉克坦提乌斯的政治神学思想。从这篇文章最奇怪的特点开始——虽然它表面上关注的是帝国对基督徒的虐待和由此引发的神的惩罚,但实际上大部分内容根本没有讨论基督徒或基督教——在其历史(非君士坦丁)背景下阅读它,并作为对拉克坦提乌斯时代意识形态竞争的积极干预,我认为,可以把我们对拉克坦提乌斯政治神学的理解放在一个新的基础上。我认为,首先,拉克坦提乌斯试图强调非基督教四帝之间关系的失调;第二,他认为这些帝国内部的阴谋促成了对家庭和臣民的系统性虐待,并在整个帝国中持续了社会和经济的混乱——换句话说,这是三世纪“危机”的延续——第三,他认为基督教和基督徒提供了非基督教的四帝所没有的:和谐的帝国关系,对家庭的积极对待,以及一个稳定的帝国。这代表了一种继承自西塞罗但旨在取代西塞罗的理论的实践工作。《论迫害者之死》成为拉克坦提乌斯全部作品的核心,是《神学院》的重要后记,拉克坦提乌斯试图通过其神学的实际结果来工作。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction 介绍
IF 0.2 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/jla.2022.0019
R. Flower, M. McEvoy, R. Whelan
of
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引用次数: 0
The Politics of Female Namelessness between Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, circa 300 to 750 古代晚期和中世纪早期之间的女性无名政治,大约300到750
IF 0.2 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/jla.2022.0021
J. Hillner, M. Maccarron, Ulriika Vihervalli
Abstract:A representative sample of late antique and early medieval texts reveals that nearly two-thirds of female characters within them are left nameless by their authors. Whether for narrative or feminist reasons, the instinct of modern historians is to identify as many such women as possible by name. In this article, we instead investigate the range of reasons why late antique and early medieval authors left women nameless and establish a methodological footing for the analysis of female namelessness in such texts. We focus on royal women, as these were among the most high-profile women of the time whose names were often known widely. Leaving such women nameless therefore reveals particular rhetorical or political choices. In order to track changes and continuities of such choices over the period of Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages, we compare the representation of named and nameless royal women in three case studies: tetrarchic empresses as described in Lactantius's De Mortibus Persecutorum, Merovingian queens in Gregory of Tours's Decem libri historiarum, and Northumbrian queens in Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica. Our main finding is that throughout the period of investigation there was no straightforward relationship between female namelessness and the erasure or even oppression of women, at least in the case of royal women. Instead, it was often through the naming of women that a negative message about them was conveyed and through polemical texts that women's names were preserved.
摘要:一份具有代表性的古代晚期和中世纪早期文本样本显示,其中近三分之二的女性角色被作者匿名。无论是出于叙事还是女权主义的原因,现代历史学家的本能都是通过名字来识别尽可能多的这样的女性。在这篇文章中,我们调查了古代晚期和中世纪早期作家让女性无名的一系列原因,并为分析这些文本中的女性无名奠定了方法论基础。我们关注的是王室女性,因为她们是当时最知名的女性之一,她们的名字经常广为人知。因此,让这些女性匿名,就揭示了特定的修辞或政治选择。为了追踪这种选择在古代晚期和中世纪早期的变化和持续性,我们在三个案例研究中比较了有名字和没有名字的王室女性的代表性:拉坦提乌斯的《持久的死亡》中描述的四位无政府的皇后,图尔的格雷戈里的《自由的十二月历史》中的梅洛温女王,以及贝德的《教会历史》中的诺森布里亚女王。我们的主要发现是,在整个调查期间,女性的无名与对女性的抹杀甚至压迫之间没有直接的关系,至少在王室女性的情况下是这样。相反,通常是通过对女性的命名来传达关于她们的负面信息,并通过争论性的文本来保留女性的名字。
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引用次数: 0
Constructing Christian Bureaucrats: Justinian and the Governor's Oath of Office 构建基督教官僚制度:查士丁尼与总督宣誓
IF 0.2 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/jla.2022.0024
Michael Wuk
Abstract:This article examines aspects of the investiture oath sworn by provincial governors during the reign of Justinian. This oath, which was implemented alongside the promulgation of Novel 8 in 535, was intended to act as an overt articulation of the governor's duties. Owing to this purpose, it is significant that parts of the oath's formula directly relate to the swearer's doctrinal affiliation. The governor could not begin his period of service without first stating his agreement with a sanitized form of imperial Christianity and promising to prevent the existence of sects which opposed what the emperor contemporaneously defined as "orthodoxy." Through these crucial yet brief statements, gubernatorial bureaucrats publicly demonstrated that their administrative remit also concerned provincial religious conflicts. This expression was an imperial response to the ongoing dialogue between state and church actors about the nature of Christian civil service. Through the implementation of this carefully constructed oath of office, Justinian made his provincial governors characterize themselves as "orthodox" servants in an "orthodox" Christian empire.
摘要:本文考察查士丁尼统治时期各省总督宣誓就职的各个方面。这一誓言是在535年颁布《新8》的同时实施的,旨在公开表达州长的职责。由于这一目的,重要的是,宣誓公式的部分内容与宣誓者的教义归属直接相关。总督在开始他的任期之前,必须首先声明他同意一种经过净化的帝国基督教形式,并承诺防止反对皇帝当时定义的“正统派”的教派的存在,州长官员公开表明,他们的行政职权范围也涉及省级宗教冲突。这一表述是帝国对国家和教会行为者之间正在进行的关于基督教公务员性质的对话的回应。通过执行这一精心构建的就职宣誓,查士丁尼使他的各省总督将自己描述为“正统”基督教帝国中的“正统”仆人。
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引用次数: 0
The Go-Between: Augustine on Deacons by Bart J. Koet (review) 《中间人:奥古斯丁论执事》巴特·j·科特著(书评)
IF 0.2 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/jla.2022.0028
S. Adamiak
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引用次数: 0
The Christianization of Political Discourse: Reflections on the Irish Evidence 政治话语的基督教化:对爱尔兰证据的反思
IF 0.2 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/jla.2022.0026
Conor O’Brien
Abstract:A wealth of political writings survives from early Christian Ireland. While traditionally this material has been understood in terms of a dichotomy between "pagan" and "Christian," recent scholarship has borrowed the category of the "secular" from late antique studies to make sense of early Irish intellectual culture and its political discourses. This article builds on this trend to reveal, through close examination of seventh-century Irish writings, a multitude of differently Christianized discourses existing simultaneously, sometimes even within a single text. Just as the boundary between the "pagan" and the "secular" was not fixed, so too the boundary between the "Christian" and the "secular," giving rise to many different ways late antique Christians (in Ireland and elsewhere) could speak about politics. Much late antique scholarship on the "secular" assumes it was a passing phase ending in Christianization, but this research argues that "secularity" retained its importance in societies where Christians constantly debated and disagreed over where the boundaries of the "Christian" lay.
摘要:从早期的基督教爱尔兰流传下来大量的政治著作。传统上,这些材料被理解为“异教徒”和“基督徒”之间的二分法,但最近的学术界借用了晚期古董研究中的“世俗”类别,以理解早期爱尔兰知识文化及其政治话语。这篇文章建立在这一趋势的基础上,通过对七世纪爱尔兰文学的仔细研究,揭示了多种不同的基督教话语同时存在,有时甚至存在于一个文本中。正如“异教徒”和“世俗”之间的边界没有固定一样,“基督徒”和“俗世”之间的界限也没有固定,这就产生了(爱尔兰和其他地方)晚期古代基督徒谈论政治的许多不同方式。许多关于“世俗”的晚期古董学者认为这是一个以基督教化结束的短暂阶段,但这项研究认为,在基督徒不断就“基督徒”的界限进行辩论和争论的社会中,“世俗性”仍然具有其重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Emperors, Aristocrats, and Columns: Christian Imperial Politics in the Late Fifth Century CE as Reflected in the Life of Daniel the Stylite 帝王、贵族和纵队:从风格派但以理的生平看公元五世纪晚期的基督教帝国政治
IF 0.2 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/jla.2022.0023
M. McEvoy
Abstract:This paper examines the hagiography of Daniel the Stylite, believed to have been written by one of his disciples soon after the saint's death at Constantinople in the late fifth century. It first explores the identity of Daniel's named patrons, highlighting the status of these individuals as members of former imperial families who were not currently in power in the East, but who were competing with the reigning emperors of the day for patronage of the holy man. Second, it highlights the imperial-like manner of the hagiographer's presentation of Daniel, particularly his column-dwelling existence with its analogies to imperial columns in the city, and his ordination by the hand of God, and it suggests that the author was shaping his presentation of the holy man to appeal to the Christian court of his day. Both of these aspects of the text indicate that the hagiographer wished to present Daniel as the pre-eminent holy man of late fifth-century Constantinople, whose monastery was worthy of future patronage by emperors or aristocrats with imperial connections.
摘要:本文研究了Stylite的Daniel的圣徒传记,据信是在五世纪末这位圣人在君士坦丁堡去世后不久由他的一个门徒写的。它首先探讨了但以理的赞助人的身份,强调了这些人作为前帝国家族成员的地位,这些人目前在东方并不掌权,但他们正在与当时的在位皇帝竞争对圣人的庇护,尤其是他居住在柱子上的生活,与城市中的帝国柱子相似,以及他受上帝之手的圣职,这表明作者正在塑造他对圣人的描述,以吸引当时的基督教宫廷。文本的这两个方面都表明,这位圣徒希望将但以理尊为五世纪末君士坦丁堡的杰出圣人,君士坦丁堡的修道院值得皇帝或与帝国有联系的贵族在未来的庇护。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Late Antiquity
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