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Omnium Annalium Monumenta: Historical Writing and Historical Evidence in Republican Rome最新文献

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Ciceronian Constructions of the Oratorical Past 西塞罗式的过去演讲结构
H. V. D. Blom
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引用次数: 0
Memoria by Multiplication: The Cornelii Scipiones in Monumental Memory 乘法记忆:不朽记忆中的科涅利西皮翁
Karl-Joachim Hölkeskamp
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引用次数: 1
Monumenta, Documenta, Memoria: Remembering and Imagining the Past in Late Republican Rome 纪念碑、文献展、记忆:罗马共和晚期的回忆与想象
K. Sandberg
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引用次数: 4
On the Edges of History 在历史的边缘
Christopher Smith
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引用次数: 0
Inspired Leaders versus Emerging Nations: Varro’s and Cicero’s Views on Early Rome 灵感领袖与新兴国家:瓦罗和西塞罗对早期罗马的看法
Vera Binder
Cicero and Varro were not the closest of friends. We know of only comparatively few letters of Cicero’s addressed to Varro, and we remember how embarrassing a task it proved for Cicero to dedicate one of his works to the Reatine polymath.1 Scholars have always wondered why their relationship was not a particularly intimate one, and in fact rather the opposite. Both were born from regional elites and had to work their way through the Roman cursus honorum (Varro stopped after having reached the praetorship); both joined Pompey’s side in the Civil War and, later on, fell victim to the proscriptions which only Varro was lucky enough to survive. They had close friends in common, most conspicuously Pomponius Atticus; both were interested in philosophy and in research on the Roman past, illustrious protagonists in the process of rationalization Claudia Moatti has described so impressively in her magisterial book La raison de Rome;2 both were deeply worried about imminent loss of tradition.3 So we might imagine that their similar biographical backgrounds, similar interests and similar conservative anxieties should have provided more than enough common ground, but what we encounter from Cicero’s part amounts to nothing more than distant politeness and a less than enthusiastic and sometimes rather grudging acknowledgement of Varro’s merits. To try to explain what may have prevented them from becoming close friends would amount to indulging in psychological speculation; what will be attempted here is rather to take a closer look at what has been labeled their ‘conservativism’ or, to put it in a more neutral way, their perspective on the
西塞罗和瓦罗并不是最亲密的朋友。我们所知道的西塞罗写给瓦罗的信件相对较少,我们还记得西塞罗要把他的一部作品献给罗马博学家是多么尴尬的一件事学者们一直想知道为什么他们的关系不是特别亲密,事实上恰恰相反。两人都出身于地区精英阶层,必须通过罗马荣誉课程(Varro在达到裁判官职位后就停止了工作);他们都在内战中加入了庞培的阵营,后来成为了禁赛的受害者,只有瓦罗幸运地活了下来。他们有共同的好朋友,最著名的是庞波尼乌斯·阿迪克斯;他们都对哲学和对罗马历史的研究感兴趣,他们都是理性化过程中杰出的主角,克劳迪娅·莫阿蒂在她的权威著作《罗马的理由》(La reason de Rome)中如此令人印象深刻地描述了这一点;他们都深深担心传统即将消失因此,我们可以想象,他们相似的传记背景,相似的兴趣和相似的保守焦虑应该提供了足够多的共同点,但我们从西塞罗的部分中所遇到的只不过是遥远的礼貌,以及对瓦罗优点的不那么热情,有时甚至是勉强的承认。试图解释是什么阻止了他们成为亲密的朋友,无异于沉溺于心理臆想;在这里,我们要做的是更仔细地审视他们的“保守主义”,或者用一种更中立的方式来说,他们对世界的看法
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引用次数: 0
Aedificare, res damnosissima. Building and Historiography in Livy, Books 5–6 建筑,就是damnosissima。李维的建筑与史学,第5-6卷
Seth Bernard
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引用次数: 0
Fabius Pictor, Ennius and the Origins of Roman Annalistic Historiography 法比尤斯·皮克托:《恩尼乌斯与罗马编年史的起源》
J. Rich
This paper considers when and how annalistic organization by the consular year came to be established in the Roman historiographical tradition. It argues that Fabius Pictor gave a year-by-year account of events from at least the early third century bc, but narrated only selected years in the early Republic, that Ennius followed this example, and that Piso was the first Roman historian to provide a narrative organized by magistrate years for the whole of the Republic. The annual record kept by the pontifex maximus will have been used as a source by Fabius and perhaps some of his successors, but did not play the dominant part in shaping the character of Roman historical writing with which it has often been credited. The term annales was invented by Ennius as the title for his epic, and then taken over as their title by Piso and some of his successors. It thus became established as a designation for a history of Rome organized by magistrate years, and so came to be applied by extension also to the Pontifex Maximus’ record, under the distinctive title of Annales maximi. These conclusions have important implications both for the credibility of early Roman history and for the character of Roman historical writing.
本文考察了罗马史学传统中以执政官年为单位的编年史组织是何时以及如何建立起来的。它认为,法比尤斯·皮克托尔对至少公元前三世纪早期的事件进行了逐年的叙述,但只叙述了共和国早期的选定年份,恩尼乌斯效仿了这一做法,而皮索是第一位根据整个共和国的行政长官年份进行叙述的罗马历史学家。由maximus保存的年度记录将被Fabius和他的一些继任者用作资料来源,但并没有在塑造罗马历史写作的特征方面发挥主导作用,而罗马历史写作通常被认为是如此。年历这个词是恩尼乌斯发明的,作为他的史诗的标题,然后被皮索和他的一些继任者所采用。这样,它就被确立为按地方长官年份组织的罗马历史的名称,因此,它也被扩展应用于大祭司的记录,以一个独特的标题《大祭司年历》。这些结论对早期罗马历史的可信度和罗马历史写作的特点都有重要的影响。
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引用次数: 2
Which One is the Historian? A Neglected Problem in the Study of Roman Historiography 哪一个是历史学家?罗马史学研究中一个被忽视的问题
T. Cornell
Many of the Roman historians whose works survive only in fragments were well-known persons whose lives and careers are fully documented.1 They include such major public figures as Cato the Elder, the dictator Sulla, and the emperor Augustus,2 and famous men of letters such as Cicero, Varro, and Cornelius Nepos.3 For these men the writing of history or autobiography was merely one aspect of their many and multifarious activities. The same is true of other less prominent but nonetheless significant men who added the composition of historical works to their distinguished public achievements – men such as L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi (cos. 133 BCE), P. Rutilius Rufus (cos. 105), and L. Cornelius Sisenna (pr. 78).4 At the other extreme are those who are known solely as historians, and are only quoted or referred to as such in our sources. Of their lives and careers we know little or nothing. The historians in this group include L. Cassius Hemina, Cn. Gellius, L. Coelius Antipater, and Q. Claudius Quadrigarius,5 as well as others for whom we do not even have a praenomen: Vennonius, Sempronius Asellio and Valerius Antias.6 As for Fenestella (FRHist 70), who lived in the time of Augustus, we know only his cognomen. But between these two extremes there is a large group of historians whose identity is uncertain. The level of uncertainty differs in each case. At one end of the spectrum we find historians such as L. Cincius Alimentus (FRHist 2), who is almost certainly to be identified with the man of that name who held the praetorship in 210 BCE (Liv. 26.23.1) and appears several times in Livy’s narrative of
许多罗马历史学家的著作仅以碎片形式流传下来,但他们都是名人,他们的生活和事业都被完整地记录下来他们包括一些重要的公众人物,如老加图、独裁者苏拉和皇帝奥古斯都,2和著名的文学家,如西塞罗、瓦罗和尼波斯。3对这些人来说,撰写历史或自传只是他们众多活动的一个方面。同样的情况也发生在其他不那么突出但却很重要的人身上,他们将历史著作的构成添加到他们杰出的公共成就中,比如L.卡尔珀尼乌斯·皮索·弗鲁吉(l.c alpurnius Piso Frugi)。公元前133年),P. Rutilius Rufus。105)和L. Cornelius Sisenna(第78页)另一个极端是那些只被称为历史学家的人,他们在我们的资料中只被引用或提及。我们对他们的生活和事业所知甚少,甚至一无所知。这组历史学家包括L.卡修斯·赫米纳,Cn。盖里乌斯,L.科埃利乌斯·安提帕特,Q.克劳狄乌斯·夸德里留斯,5以及其他我们甚至没有先女的人:维诺尼乌斯,Sempronius Asellio和Valerius antias。6至于生活在奥古斯都时代的Fenestella (FRHist 70),我们只知道他的同宗人。但在这两个极端之间,有一大群历史学家的身份是不确定的。每种情况下的不确定性程度不同。在光谱的一端,我们发现了像L. Cincius Alimentus (FRHist 2)这样的历史学家,他几乎可以肯定是在公元前210年(Liv. 26.23.1)担任司法官的那个名字,并且在Livy的叙述中出现了几次
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引用次数: 2
Cicero, Documents and the Implications for History 西塞罗:《文献及其对历史的影响》
A. Riggsby
Cicero’s speeches provide numerous models of how documents could be interpreted publicly (and thus accountably) to reach conclusions about the past. The available means are diverse and powerful, and they allow a motivated interpreter considerable opportunity to reach any expected or desired conclusion. There is reason to believe that similar strategies would have been used in historical contexts and thus that use of documentary evidence might have constrained Roman historians less than has sometimes been imagined.
西塞罗的演讲提供了许多模型,说明文件如何被公开解释(因此是负责任的),从而得出关于过去的结论。可用的方法是多种多样和强大的,它们使一个有动机的口译员有相当大的机会得出任何预期或期望的结论。有理由相信,在历史背景下也会使用类似的策略,因此,文献证据的使用对罗马历史学家的限制可能没有人们有时想象的那么大。
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引用次数: 1
Visibility Matters. Notes on Archaic Monuments and Collective Memory in Mid-Republican Rome 可见性问题。罗马共和中期的古代纪念碑和集体记忆注释
G. Cifani
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引用次数: 3
期刊
Omnium Annalium Monumenta: Historical Writing and Historical Evidence in Republican Rome
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