We examine if employment discrimination increased after the 2016 election. We submitted fictitious applications to publicly advertised positions using resumes that are manipulated on perceived race and ethnicity (Somali American, African American, and white American). Prior to the 2016 election, employers contacted Somali American applicants slightly less than white applicants but more than African American applicants. After the election, the difference between white and Somali American applicants increased by 10 percentage points. The increased discrimination predominantly occurred in occupations involving interaction with customers. We use 2017 as a placebo election; there was no increase in discrimination after the 2017 election.
{"title":"Customer Prejudice & Salience: The Effect of the 2016 Election on Employment Discrimination","authors":"M. Gorsuch, Deborah Rho","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3184984","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3184984","url":null,"abstract":"We examine if employment discrimination increased after the 2016 election. We submitted fictitious applications to publicly advertised positions using resumes that are manipulated on perceived race and ethnicity (Somali American, African American, and white American). Prior to the 2016 election, employers contacted Somali American applicants slightly less than white applicants but more than African American applicants. After the election, the difference between white and Somali American applicants increased by 10 percentage points. The increased discrimination predominantly occurred in occupations involving interaction with customers. We use 2017 as a placebo election; there was no increase in discrimination after the 2017 election.","PeriodicalId":166384,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Race (Topic)","volume":"60 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115682422","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tomaz Cajner, Tyler Radler, David Ratner, Ivan Vidangos
We examine racial disparities in key labor market outcomes for men and women over the past four decades, with a special emphasis on their evolution over the business cycle. Blacks have substantially higher and more cyclical unemployment rates than whites, and observable characteristics can explain very little of this differential, which is importantly driven by a comparatively higher risk of job loss. In contrast, the Hispanic-white unemployment rate gap is comparatively small and is largely explained by lower educational attainment of (mostly foreign-born) Hispanics. Regarding labor force participation, the remarkably low participation rate of black men is largely unexplained by observables, is mostly driven by high labor force exit rates from employment, and has shown little improvement over the last 40 years. Furthermore, even among those who work, blacks and Hispanics are more likely than whites to work part-time schedules despite wanting to work additional hour s, and the racial gaps in this involuntary part-time employment are large even after controlling for observable characteristics. Our findings also suggest that the robust recovery of the labor market in the last few years has contributed significantly to reducing the gaps that had widened dramatically as a result of the Great Recession; however, the disparities remain substantial.
{"title":"Racial Gaps in Labor Market Outcomes in the Last Four Decades and Over the Business Cycle","authors":"Tomaz Cajner, Tyler Radler, David Ratner, Ivan Vidangos","doi":"10.17016/FEDS.2017.071","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17016/FEDS.2017.071","url":null,"abstract":"We examine racial disparities in key labor market outcomes for men and women over the past four decades, with a special emphasis on their evolution over the business cycle. Blacks have substantially higher and more cyclical unemployment rates than whites, and observable characteristics can explain very little of this differential, which is importantly driven by a comparatively higher risk of job loss. In contrast, the Hispanic-white unemployment rate gap is comparatively small and is largely explained by lower educational attainment of (mostly foreign-born) Hispanics. Regarding labor force participation, the remarkably low participation rate of black men is largely unexplained by observables, is mostly driven by high labor force exit rates from employment, and has shown little improvement over the last 40 years. Furthermore, even among those who work, blacks and Hispanics are more likely than whites to work part-time schedules despite wanting to work additional hour s, and the racial gaps in this involuntary part-time employment are large even after controlling for observable characteristics. Our findings also suggest that the robust recovery of the labor market in the last few years has contributed significantly to reducing the gaps that had widened dramatically as a result of the Great Recession; however, the disparities remain substantial.","PeriodicalId":166384,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Race (Topic)","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125133462","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The literature contains ambiguous findings as to whether statistical discrimination, e.g. in the form of racial profiling, causes a reduction in deterrence. These analyses, however, assume that enforcers' incentives are exogenously fixed. This article demonstrates that when the costs and benefits faced by officers in enforcing the law are endogenously determined, statistical discrimination as well as taste-based discrimination lead to an increase in criminal activity. Moreover, the negative effects of statistical discrimination on deterrence are more persistent than similar effects due to taste-based discrimination. This suggests, contrary to the impression created by the existing literature, that statistical discrimination is not only harmful, but, may be even more detrimental than taste-based discrimination. Thus, for purposes of maximizing deterrence, the recent focus in empirical research on identifying taste-based discrimination as opposed to statistical discrimination may be misplaced. A superior approach may be to identify whether any type of racial discrimination takes place in the enforcement of laws, and to provide enforcers with incentives to minimize the impact of their discriminatory behavior.
{"title":"The Effects of Racial Profiling, Taste-Based Discrimination, and Enforcer Liability on Crime","authors":"Murat C. Mungan","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2972570","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2972570","url":null,"abstract":"The literature contains ambiguous findings as to whether statistical discrimination, e.g. in the form of racial profiling, causes a reduction in deterrence. These analyses, however, assume that enforcers' incentives are exogenously fixed. This article demonstrates that when the costs and benefits faced by officers in enforcing the law are endogenously determined, statistical discrimination as well as taste-based discrimination lead to an increase in criminal activity. Moreover, the negative effects of statistical discrimination on deterrence are more persistent than similar effects due to taste-based discrimination. This suggests, contrary to the impression created by the existing literature, that statistical discrimination is not only harmful, but, may be even more detrimental than taste-based discrimination. Thus, for purposes of maximizing deterrence, the recent focus in empirical research on identifying taste-based discrimination as opposed to statistical discrimination may be misplaced. A superior approach may be to identify whether any type of racial discrimination takes place in the enforcement of laws, and to provide enforcers with incentives to minimize the impact of their discriminatory behavior.","PeriodicalId":166384,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Race (Topic)","volume":"61 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122562627","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This Article challenges a practice in tort law that is ubiquitous, yet little noticed—namely the use of race-based wage, life expectancy, and work-life expectancy tables when calculating damage awards. The practice results in damage awards that are significantly lower for black victims than for white victims and creates an incentive for potential tortfeasors to allocate risk disproportionately to minority communities. This Article argues that the use of such tables is not only unfair; it is unconstitutional. Specifically, the Article argues that the use of race-based tables to calculate tort damages violates the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The Article goes on to consider the broader implications of this argument and to explain why the move to truly race-neutral damage awards would require even more radical changes to our current tort system.
{"title":"Valuing Black Lives: A Constitutional Challenge to the Use of Race-Based Tables in Calculating Tort Damages","authors":"R. Avraham, K. Yuracko","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2955165","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2955165","url":null,"abstract":"This Article challenges a practice in tort law that is ubiquitous, yet little noticed—namely the use of race-based wage, life expectancy, and work-life expectancy tables when calculating damage awards. The practice results in damage awards that are significantly lower for black victims than for white victims and creates an incentive for potential tortfeasors to allocate risk disproportionately to minority communities. This Article argues that the use of such tables is not only unfair; it is unconstitutional. Specifically, the Article argues that the use of race-based tables to calculate tort damages violates the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The Article goes on to consider the broader implications of this argument and to explain why the move to truly race-neutral damage awards would require even more radical changes to our current tort system.","PeriodicalId":166384,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Race (Topic)","volume":"65 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-04-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126004425","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Popular engagement with black racial identity is steadily increasing. From protest slogan “Black Lives Matter,” to the visibility of black racial identity on number-one-debuting visual albums like Lemonade, blackness is increasingly visible in mainstream American culture. At the same time, “Black Lives Matter” gave way to “All Lives Matter,” and American courts continue their retreat from identity, insisting on “colorblind” legal analysis to assess law and policy adopted to address inequality. This article considers that divergence, arguing that the law’s hostility to identity is a form of dispossession, the negative consequences of which extent beyond marginalized communities. More than just a useful vehicle for antidiscrimination efforts, identity politics are also important social goods, central to a properly functioning democracy, and integral to political and social resilience among minoritized identity groups. Using black racial identity as exemplar, the “harms” of racial identity like stigma and essentialism are reframed, clearing the path for responses to discrimination that are improved on account of more positive legal engagement with identity, and highlighting the problem with post-identity legal frameworks like ‘dignity’ into which identity is increasingly subsumed. This conception of identity in general, and black racial identity, in particular, has implications for law, policy, and American democracy.
{"title":"Valuing Identity","authors":"Osamudia R. James","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2941672","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2941672","url":null,"abstract":"Popular engagement with black racial identity is steadily increasing. From protest slogan “Black Lives Matter,” to the visibility of black racial identity on number-one-debuting visual albums like Lemonade, blackness is increasingly visible in mainstream American culture. At the same time, “Black Lives Matter” gave way to “All Lives Matter,” and American courts continue their retreat from identity, insisting on “colorblind” legal analysis to assess law and policy adopted to address inequality. This article considers that divergence, arguing that the law’s hostility to identity is a form of dispossession, the negative consequences of which extent beyond marginalized communities. More than just a useful vehicle for antidiscrimination efforts, identity politics are also important social goods, central to a properly functioning democracy, and integral to political and social resilience among minoritized identity groups. Using black racial identity as exemplar, the “harms” of racial identity like stigma and essentialism are reframed, clearing the path for responses to discrimination that are improved on account of more positive legal engagement with identity, and highlighting the problem with post-identity legal frameworks like ‘dignity’ into which identity is increasingly subsumed. This conception of identity in general, and black racial identity, in particular, has implications for law, policy, and American democracy.","PeriodicalId":166384,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Race (Topic)","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124586363","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Building on a recent essay by Michael Morris in California Law Review, shows how conservative strategists deploy regional animus against Latinos to improve GOP electoral prospects and set one minority group against another to the detriment of both.
迈克尔·莫里斯(Michael Morris)最近在《加州法律评论》(California Law Review)上发表的一篇文章为基础，展示了保守派战略家如何利用对拉美裔的地区敌意来改善共和党的选举前景，并让一个少数群体反对另一个少数群体，对双方都不利。
{"title":"A New Southern Strategy of Multigroup Oppression: A Response to Standard White by Michael Morris","authors":"R. Delgado, Jean Stefancic","doi":"10.15779/Z38VZ8K","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15779/Z38VZ8K","url":null,"abstract":"Building on a recent essay by Michael Morris in California Law Review, shows how conservative strategists deploy regional animus against Latinos to improve GOP electoral prospects and set one minority group against another to the detriment of both.","PeriodicalId":166384,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Race (Topic)","volume":"176 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133215979","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Is support for Donald Trump driven by economic anxiety, racial resentment or old fashion racism? Given the racially charged manner in which Donald Trump has campaigned it is possible that that his campaign cues could further activate racial resentment in a political era where Barack Obama’s presidency has already crystalized such attitudes. The Republican Nominee, Donald J. Trump has engaged in one of the most racially charged campaigns in modern American history. Despite the racially charged manner in which Donald Trump has campaigned it is unclear if his support is driven by economic anxiety, racial resentment, or simply old fashion racism. Utilizing data from the 2016 American Election Studies Survey this analysis empirically support for Donald Trump.
对唐纳德•特朗普(Donald Trump)的支持是由经济焦虑、种族怨恨还是老式种族主义驱动的?考虑到唐纳德•特朗普(Donald Trump)充满种族主义色彩的竞选方式，在巴拉克•奥巴马(Barack Obama)的总统任期已经使这种态度具体化的政治时代，他的竞选暗示可能会进一步激起种族怨恨。共和党候选人唐纳德·j·特朗普(Donald J. Trump)参与了美国现代史上最具种族主义色彩的竞选活动之一。尽管唐纳德·特朗普的竞选方式充满种族主义色彩，但尚不清楚他的支持是由经济焦虑、种族怨恨还是仅仅是老式的种族主义驱动的。利用2016年美国选举研究调查的数据，该分析从经验上支持唐纳德·特朗普。
{"title":"Economic Anxiety or Racial Predispositions? Explaining White Support for Donald Trump in the 2016 Presidential Election","authors":"Emmitt Y. Riley, Clarissa Peterson","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2847791","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2847791","url":null,"abstract":"Is support for Donald Trump driven by economic anxiety, racial resentment or old fashion racism? Given the racially charged manner in which Donald Trump has campaigned it is possible that that his campaign cues could further activate racial resentment in a political era where Barack Obama’s presidency has already crystalized such attitudes. The Republican Nominee, Donald J. Trump has engaged in one of the most racially charged campaigns in modern American history. Despite the racially charged manner in which Donald Trump has campaigned it is unclear if his support is driven by economic anxiety, racial resentment, or simply old fashion racism. Utilizing data from the 2016 American Election Studies Survey this analysis empirically support for Donald Trump.","PeriodicalId":166384,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Race (Topic)","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125108520","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We replicate and reexamine Saperstein and Penner’s prominent 2010 study which asks whether incarceration changes the probability that an individual will be seen as black or white (regardless of the individual’s phenotype). Our reexamination shows that only a small part of their empirical analysis is suitable for addressing this question (the fixed-effects estimates), and that these results are extremely fragile. Using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, we find that being interviewed in jail/prison does not increase the survey respondent’s likelihood of being classified as black, and avoiding incarceration during the survey period does not increase a person’s chances of being seen as white. We conclude that the empirical component of Saperstein and Penner’s work needs to be reconsidered and new methods for testing their thesis should be investigated. The data are provided for other researchers to explore. This version (SSRN) also contains updated supplemental analyses.
{"title":"Can Incarceration Really Strip People of Racial Privilege?","authors":"Lance Hannon, R. Defina","doi":"10.15195/V3.A10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15195/V3.A10","url":null,"abstract":"We replicate and reexamine Saperstein and Penner’s prominent 2010 study which asks whether incarceration changes the probability that an individual will be seen as black or white (regardless of the individual’s phenotype). Our reexamination shows that only a small part of their empirical analysis is suitable for addressing this question (the fixed-effects estimates), and that these results are extremely fragile. Using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, we find that being interviewed in jail/prison does not increase the survey respondent’s likelihood of being classified as black, and avoiding incarceration during the survey period does not increase a person’s chances of being seen as white. We conclude that the empirical component of Saperstein and Penner’s work needs to be reconsidered and new methods for testing their thesis should be investigated. The data are provided for other researchers to explore. This version (SSRN) also contains updated supplemental analyses.","PeriodicalId":166384,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Race (Topic)","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-03-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122102694","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article advocates for a fundamental re-understanding about the way that the history of race is understood by the current Supreme Court. Represented by the racial rights opinions of Justice John Roberts that celebrate racial progress, the Supreme Court has equivocated and rendered obsolete the historical experiences of people of color in the United States. This jurisprudence has in turn reified the notion of color-blindness, consigning racial discrimination to a distant and discredited past that has little bearing to how race and inequality is experienced today. The racial history of the Roberts Court is centrally informed by the context and circumstances surrounding Brown v. Board of Education. For the Court, Brown symbolizes all that is wrong with the history of race in the United States - legal segregation, explicit racial discord, and vicious and random acts of violence. Though Roberts Court opinions suggest that some of those vestiges still exits, the bulk of its jurisprudence indicate the opposite. With Brown’s basic factual premises as its point of reference, the Court has consistently argued that the nation has made tremendous strides away from the condition of racial bigotry, intolerance, and inequity. The article accordingly argues that the Roberts Court reliance on Brown to understand racial progress is anachronistic. Especially as the nation’s focus for racial inequality turned national in scope, the same binaries in Brown that had long served to explain the history of race relations in the United States (such as Black-White, North-South, and Urban-Rural) were giving way to massive multicultural demographic and geographic transformations in the United States in the years and decades after World War II. All of the familiar tropes so clear in Brown and its progeny could no longer fully describe the current reality of shifting and transforming patterns of race relations in the United States. In order to reclaim the history of race from the Roberts Court, the article assesses a case that more accurately symbolizes the recent history and current status of race relations today: Keyes v. School District No. 1. This was the first Supreme Court case to confront how the binaries of cases like Brown proved of little probative value in addressing how and in what ways race and racial discrimination was changing in the United States. Thus, understanding Keyesand the history it reflects reveals much about how and in what ways the Roberts Court should rethink its conclusions regarding the history of race relations in the United States for the last 60 years.
{"title":"The Keyes to Reclaiming the Racial History Of the Roberts Court","authors":"T. Romero","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2673633","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2673633","url":null,"abstract":"This article advocates for a fundamental re-understanding about the way that the history of race is understood by the current Supreme Court. Represented by the racial rights opinions of Justice John Roberts that celebrate racial progress, the Supreme Court has equivocated and rendered obsolete the historical experiences of people of color in the United States. This jurisprudence has in turn reified the notion of color-blindness, consigning racial discrimination to a distant and discredited past that has little bearing to how race and inequality is experienced today. The racial history of the Roberts Court is centrally informed by the context and circumstances surrounding Brown v. Board of Education. For the Court, Brown symbolizes all that is wrong with the history of race in the United States - legal segregation, explicit racial discord, and vicious and random acts of violence. Though Roberts Court opinions suggest that some of those vestiges still exits, the bulk of its jurisprudence indicate the opposite. With Brown’s basic factual premises as its point of reference, the Court has consistently argued that the nation has made tremendous strides away from the condition of racial bigotry, intolerance, and inequity. The article accordingly argues that the Roberts Court reliance on Brown to understand racial progress is anachronistic. Especially as the nation’s focus for racial inequality turned national in scope, the same binaries in Brown that had long served to explain the history of race relations in the United States (such as Black-White, North-South, and Urban-Rural) were giving way to massive multicultural demographic and geographic transformations in the United States in the years and decades after World War II. All of the familiar tropes so clear in Brown and its progeny could no longer fully describe the current reality of shifting and transforming patterns of race relations in the United States. In order to reclaim the history of race from the Roberts Court, the article assesses a case that more accurately symbolizes the recent history and current status of race relations today: Keyes v. School District No. 1. This was the first Supreme Court case to confront how the binaries of cases like Brown proved of little probative value in addressing how and in what ways race and racial discrimination was changing in the United States. Thus, understanding Keyesand the history it reflects reveals much about how and in what ways the Roberts Court should rethink its conclusions regarding the history of race relations in the United States for the last 60 years.","PeriodicalId":166384,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Race (Topic)","volume":"23 4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133678485","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper I argue that the main impulse underlying the tea party movement is a conviction that activist government unfairly rewards the undeserving at the expense of the productive leading them to demand limited government. I say main impulse because racial resentment and other illiberal attitudes also contribute to tea party involvement. But illiberal motives do not play the dominant role that much of the leading research suggests. When tests are properly conducted, preference for limited government is the strongest and most consistent predictor of tea party support. Further I show the tea party is a heterogeneous coalition, consisting of three distinct groups. I find the largest of these subgroups has a strongly libertarian flavor and scarcely a whiff of racial animus. Social conservatives comprise another significant group, with strong preferences for limited government and moral traditionalism, and some racially conservative attitudes. Racial conservatives are a substantial subgroup too, but my analysis shows that they are no less motivated by the issue of limited government than others in the movement. These groups are different from one another but came together in the same movement largely because they shared a belief that the federal government had violated basic fairness in its response to difficult economic times.
{"title":"The Tea Party Coalition: Some Racial Resentment, Lots of Economic Resentment","authors":"Emily E. Ekins","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2727727","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2727727","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper I argue that the main impulse underlying the tea party movement is a conviction that activist government unfairly rewards the undeserving at the expense of the productive leading them to demand limited government. I say main impulse because racial resentment and other illiberal attitudes also contribute to tea party involvement. But illiberal motives do not play the dominant role that much of the leading research suggests. When tests are properly conducted, preference for limited government is the strongest and most consistent predictor of tea party support. Further I show the tea party is a heterogeneous coalition, consisting of three distinct groups. I find the largest of these subgroups has a strongly libertarian flavor and scarcely a whiff of racial animus. Social conservatives comprise another significant group, with strong preferences for limited government and moral traditionalism, and some racially conservative attitudes. Racial conservatives are a substantial subgroup too, but my analysis shows that they are no less motivated by the issue of limited government than others in the movement. These groups are different from one another but came together in the same movement largely because they shared a belief that the federal government had violated basic fairness in its response to difficult economic times.","PeriodicalId":166384,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Race (Topic)","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-09-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114142094","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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