Survey evidence has revealed large differences in beliefs held by different cultures and ethnicities which may affect their economic prosperity. We study how the beliefs of New Zealand’s indigenous M?ori about the causes of wealth or poverty and the extent to which people are responsible for their own fate differ from non-M?ori using World Values Survey data from 1995 to 2011. M?ori are more likely to believe that (1) the poor have been unfairly treated and are not lazy; (2) a better life is due to luck and not hard work; (3) the Government is doing too little for those in need; and (4) business should not be run solely by the owners, compared to non-M?ori. We control for income, education and employment status, inter alia. The paper also compares differences between M?ori and non-M?ori within NZ to those between (non-indigenous) blacks and non-blacks within the US, as a benchmark. Stark results hold with respect to non-economic beliefs: whereas M?ori are 8.6% more likely to believe that the environment should be given priority over economic growth compared to non-M?ori, blacks are 20.5% less likely to hold this view compared to other Americans. Hence the evidence suggests that being indigenous plays a role in belief formation.
{"title":"Indigenous Belief in a Just World: New Zealand Māori and Other Ethnicities Compared","authors":"A. Grimes, Robert J. MacCulloch, Fraser McKay","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2668388","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2668388","url":null,"abstract":"Survey evidence has revealed large differences in beliefs held by different cultures and ethnicities which may affect their economic prosperity. We study how the beliefs of New Zealand’s indigenous M?ori about the causes of wealth or poverty and the extent to which people are responsible for their own fate differ from non-M?ori using World Values Survey data from 1995 to 2011. M?ori are more likely to believe that (1) the poor have been unfairly treated and are not lazy; (2) a better life is due to luck and not hard work; (3) the Government is doing too little for those in need; and (4) business should not be run solely by the owners, compared to non-M?ori. We control for income, education and employment status, inter alia. The paper also compares differences between M?ori and non-M?ori within NZ to those between (non-indigenous) blacks and non-blacks within the US, as a benchmark. Stark results hold with respect to non-economic beliefs: whereas M?ori are 8.6% more likely to believe that the environment should be given priority over economic growth compared to non-M?ori, blacks are 20.5% less likely to hold this view compared to other Americans. Hence the evidence suggests that being indigenous plays a role in belief formation.","PeriodicalId":166384,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Race (Topic)","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-09-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129260313","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper studies the growth in concentration of African American population in the Atlanta, Georgia area since the decades of seventies. Certain areas in the ten-county metro regions have experienced greater concentration of black population than the others. Using GIS, a shift in the concentration between the white and black population in the metro Atlanta area was identified. Are there any factors that uniquely influence the African-American population in choosing a location? Identifying some socio-economic variables that could have influenced the concentration reveals interesting trends in this spatial shift. Findings could be relevant for city planning and local development policies.
{"title":"A Spatial Analysis of African American and White Population Concentration in the Metro Atlanta Area","authors":"Mona Ray","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2511859","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2511859","url":null,"abstract":"This paper studies the growth in concentration of African American population in the Atlanta, Georgia area since the decades of seventies. Certain areas in the ten-county metro regions have experienced greater concentration of black population than the others. Using GIS, a shift in the concentration between the white and black population in the metro Atlanta area was identified. Are there any factors that uniquely influence the African-American population in choosing a location? Identifying some socio-economic variables that could have influenced the concentration reveals interesting trends in this spatial shift. Findings could be relevant for city planning and local development policies.","PeriodicalId":166384,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Race (Topic)","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129189375","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Zoning policies can have marked impacts on the spatial distribution of people and land use, yet there is little systematic evidence on their origin. Investigating the causes of these regulations is complicated by the fact that land use and zoning have been co-evolving for nearly a century. We employ a novel approach to overcome this challenge, studying the factors underpinning the introduction of comprehensive zoning in Chicago. We find evidence consistent with a precursor to exclusionary zoning as well as support for the hypothesis that industrial use zoning was disproportionately allocated to neighborhoods populated by ethnic and racial minorities.
{"title":"Race, Ethnicity, and Discriminatory Zoning","authors":"Allison Shertzer, Tate Twinam, Tate Twinam, Randall Walsh","doi":"10.1257/APP.20140430","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1257/APP.20140430","url":null,"abstract":"Zoning policies can have marked impacts on the spatial distribution of people and land use, yet there is little systematic evidence on their origin. Investigating the causes of these regulations is complicated by the fact that land use and zoning have been co-evolving for nearly a century. We employ a novel approach to overcome this challenge, studying the factors underpinning the introduction of comprehensive zoning in Chicago. We find evidence consistent with a precursor to exclusionary zoning as well as support for the hypothesis that industrial use zoning was disproportionately allocated to neighborhoods populated by ethnic and racial minorities.","PeriodicalId":166384,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Race (Topic)","volume":"221 3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127293197","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study uses census microdata from 1960 to 2010 to look at how the racial and ethnic composition of local government employees has reflected the diversity of the general population in the 100 largest metro areas over the last half century. Historically, one route to upward social mobility has been employment in local government. This study uses microdata that predates key immigration and civil rights legislation of the 1960s through to the present to examine changes in the racial and ethnic composition of local government employees and in the general population. For this study, local government employees have been divided into high- and low-wage occupations. These data indicate that local workforces have grown more diverse over time, though representation across different racial and ethnic groups and geographic areas is uneven. African-Americans were underrepresented in high-wage local government employment and overrepresented in low-wage jobs in the early years of this study, particularly in the South, but have since become proportionally represented in high-wage jobs on a national level. In contrast, the most recent data indicate that Hispanic and other races are underrepresented in this employment group, particularly in the West. Though the numbers of Hispanic and Asian high-wage local government employees are increasing, it appears that it will take several years for those groups to achieve proportional representation throughout the United States.
{"title":"The Racial and Ethnic Composition of Local Government Employees in Large Metro Areas, 1960-2010","authors":"Todd Gardner","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2310195","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2310195","url":null,"abstract":"This study uses census microdata from 1960 to 2010 to look at how the racial and ethnic composition of local government employees has reflected the diversity of the general population in the 100 largest metro areas over the last half century. Historically, one route to upward social mobility has been employment in local government. This study uses microdata that predates key immigration and civil rights legislation of the 1960s through to the present to examine changes in the racial and ethnic composition of local government employees and in the general population. For this study, local government employees have been divided into high- and low-wage occupations. These data indicate that local workforces have grown more diverse over time, though representation across different racial and ethnic groups and geographic areas is uneven. African-Americans were underrepresented in high-wage local government employment and overrepresented in low-wage jobs in the early years of this study, particularly in the South, but have since become proportionally represented in high-wage jobs on a national level. In contrast, the most recent data indicate that Hispanic and other races are underrepresented in this employment group, particularly in the West. Though the numbers of Hispanic and Asian high-wage local government employees are increasing, it appears that it will take several years for those groups to achieve proportional representation throughout the United States.","PeriodicalId":166384,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Race (Topic)","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126149868","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper presents a continuous-time dynamic model of a neighborhood in racial transition as triggered by a fee-motivated real estate broker. Racial transition occurs in an initially all-white neighborhood when the broker steers white sellers towards black buyers. Racial transition leads to a higher turnover in the neighborhood, but also leads to lower prices. Thus the broker faces a trade-off between higher turnover and lower prices. We show that racial transition will occur only when (i) white households have moderate racial preferences, (ii) the value of housing outside the neighborhood for black households is low, (ii) the broker is moderately patient, (iii) the rate of arrival of offers is moderate, (iv) the number of brokers is limited. Otherwise, the real estate broker steers white households towards white buyers.
{"title":"Blockbusting: Real Estate Brokers and the Dynamics of Segregation","authors":"Amine Ouazad","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.1788223","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1788223","url":null,"abstract":"The paper presents a continuous-time dynamic model of a neighborhood in racial transition as triggered by a fee-motivated real estate broker. Racial transition occurs in an initially all-white neighborhood when the broker steers white sellers towards black buyers. Racial transition leads to a higher turnover in the neighborhood, but also leads to lower prices. Thus the broker faces a trade-off between higher turnover and lower prices. We show that racial transition will occur only when (i) white households have moderate racial preferences, (ii) the value of housing outside the neighborhood for black households is low, (ii) the broker is moderately patient, (iii) the rate of arrival of offers is moderate, (iv) the number of brokers is limited. Otherwise, the real estate broker steers white households towards white buyers.","PeriodicalId":166384,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Race (Topic)","volume":"111 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115667836","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper aims to show why a philosophically informed approach to the question of Europe interrupts at least one doxa that underlies the orthodox thought of Europe as the site of a moribund worldview; namely, the construal of Europe as dominated by a political culture that is fundamentally compromised by an egregious and often implicit ‘racial theory’, ‘raciology’, or by an underlying ‘racial metaphysics’. The paper shows why this kind of matter-of-course understanding is inadequate, and points the way towards a more rounded and judicious conception of Europe’s entanglement with racism.
{"title":"'Europe, for Example'","authors":"S. Glendinning","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.1773709","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.1773709","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to show why a philosophically informed approach to the question of Europe interrupts at least one doxa that underlies the orthodox thought of Europe as the site of a moribund worldview; namely, the construal of Europe as dominated by a political culture that is fundamentally compromised by an egregious and often implicit ‘racial theory’, ‘raciology’, or by an underlying ‘racial metaphysics’. The paper shows why this kind of matter-of-course understanding is inadequate, and points the way towards a more rounded and judicious conception of Europe’s entanglement with racism.","PeriodicalId":166384,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Race (Topic)","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133191372","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper addresses a concern often faced by social scientists who study subgroups within a given population, as they are frequently limited in the scope and breadth of their research questions due the quality of available survey data (i.e. inadequate sample size or lack of comprehensive questions). To address this problem, we develop a procedure for linking respondents from different surveys based on their internal (subjective) utility for political stimuli, which we capture by using an individual's responses to a set of feeling thermometer questions. Feeling thermometer questions, as demonstrated in previous research, are an accurate measure of an individual's subjective utility because they are measures of affect. We apply this technique to the 2004 National Annenberg Election survey and the 2004 American National Election Studies survey. Linking survey respondents based on their thermometer scores not only recovers the distributions on group demographics such as race/ethnicity, gender, and education but it also recovers the distributions of these groups' preferences across a wide array of issues and policies as well.
{"title":"A Method of Linking Surveys Using Affective 'Signatures' with an Application to Racial/Ethnic Groups in the U.S.","authors":"Marisa A. Abrajano, K. Poole","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.1277464","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1277464","url":null,"abstract":"This paper addresses a concern often faced by social scientists who study subgroups within a given population, as they are frequently limited in the scope and breadth of their research questions due the quality of available survey data (i.e. inadequate sample size or lack of comprehensive questions). To address this problem, we develop a procedure for linking respondents from different surveys based on their internal (subjective) utility for political stimuli, which we capture by using an individual's responses to a set of feeling thermometer questions. Feeling thermometer questions, as demonstrated in previous research, are an accurate measure of an individual's subjective utility because they are measures of affect. We apply this technique to the 2004 National Annenberg Election survey and the 2004 American National Election Studies survey. Linking survey respondents based on their thermometer scores not only recovers the distributions on group demographics such as race/ethnicity, gender, and education but it also recovers the distributions of these groups' preferences across a wide array of issues and policies as well.","PeriodicalId":166384,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Race (Topic)","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121497659","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since the demise of apartheid in South Africa, corporations have been encouraged to participate in the governmental goal of increasing corporate ownership by the black majority population. One vehicle that has arisen to help facilitate an increase in corporate ownership has been black economic empowerment (BEE) transactions. BEE transactions are essentially private placements of equity. Firms that have taken this socially activist position of selling portions of their equity, usually at a substantial discount, to black empowerment groups have received positive media attention in the name of “good corporate citizenship.” This study investigates the market performance of these BEE transactions, specifically addressing three questions. The first question is whether BEE transactions create or destroy wealth. To address this question we use an event study methodology to calculate the cumulative abnormal returns (CARs) associated with public announcements of BEE transactions. The second question is whether specific types of BEE transactions did better or worse than others. We address this question by analyzing the cross-sectional variation in the CARs associated with public announcements of BEE transactions. The third question is whether firms that engage in BEE transactions experience negative post-announcement price performance. This last question is motivated by popular press accounts of the exploitation of black empowerment groups by white-owned South African corporations. To address this question, we test whether BEE transactions have benefited white corporate South Africa at the expense of the participating black empowerment groups.
{"title":"The Price of Corporate Social Responsibility: The Case of Black Economic Empowerment Transactions in South Africa","authors":"W. Jackson, Todd M. Alessandri, S. Black","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2482419","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2482419","url":null,"abstract":"Since the demise of apartheid in South Africa, corporations have been encouraged to participate in the governmental goal of increasing corporate ownership by the black majority population. One vehicle that has arisen to help facilitate an increase in corporate ownership has been black economic empowerment (BEE) transactions. BEE transactions are essentially private placements of equity. Firms that have taken this socially activist position of selling portions of their equity, usually at a substantial discount, to black empowerment groups have received positive media attention in the name of “good corporate citizenship.” This study investigates the market performance of these BEE transactions, specifically addressing three questions. The first question is whether BEE transactions create or destroy wealth. To address this question we use an event study methodology to calculate the cumulative abnormal returns (CARs) associated with public announcements of BEE transactions. The second question is whether specific types of BEE transactions did better or worse than others. We address this question by analyzing the cross-sectional variation in the CARs associated with public announcements of BEE transactions. The third question is whether firms that engage in BEE transactions experience negative post-announcement price performance. This last question is motivated by popular press accounts of the exploitation of black empowerment groups by white-owned South African corporations. To address this question, we test whether BEE transactions have benefited white corporate South Africa at the expense of the participating black empowerment groups.","PeriodicalId":166384,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Race (Topic)","volume":"151 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114777375","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In August of 2016, the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights issued a report entitled Increasing Compliance with Section 7 of the National Voter Registration Act. This Dissenting Statement was a part of that report. It discusses the fact that Section 7 of NVRA (which requires certain state agencies, including division of motor vehicles offices, to provide voter registration materials) and Section 8 of NVRA (which requires states to keep their voter rolls up to date and uncluttered) go together. The need for the latter was most acutely felt by Republican members of Congress, while the need for the former was most strongly felt by Democratic Members. In essence, they were a package deal. Nevertheless, in recent years, the Department of Justice has been far more interested in enforcing Section 7 than Section 8. Moreover, it has interpreted Section 7 far beyond its text. The package deal has become unraveled. Such policies make future legislative compromise less likely.
{"title":"Dissenting Statement of Commissioners Gail Heriot and Peter Kirsanow in the Report of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights: Increasing Compliance with Section 7 of the National Voter Registration Act","authors":"Gail L. Heriot, Peter N. Kirsanow","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.3305261","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.3305261","url":null,"abstract":"In August of 2016, the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights issued a report entitled Increasing Compliance with Section 7 of the National Voter Registration Act. This Dissenting Statement was a part of that report. It discusses the fact that Section 7 of NVRA (which requires certain state agencies, including division of motor vehicles offices, to provide voter registration materials) and Section 8 of NVRA (which requires states to keep their voter rolls up to date and uncluttered) go together. The need for the latter was most acutely felt by Republican members of Congress, while the need for the former was most strongly felt by Democratic Members. In essence, they were a package deal. \u0000 \u0000Nevertheless, in recent years, the Department of Justice has been far more interested in enforcing Section 7 than Section 8. Moreover, it has interpreted Section 7 far beyond its text. The package deal has become unraveled. Such policies make future legislative compromise less likely.","PeriodicalId":166384,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Race (Topic)","volume":"143 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129793662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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