Pub Date : 2023-07-04DOI: 10.53982/jcird.2023.0401.08-j
R. Opeyeoluwa
{"title":"The Nigerian Revolution and the Biafran Civil War","authors":"R. Opeyeoluwa","doi":"10.53982/jcird.2023.0401.08-j","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53982/jcird.2023.0401.08-j","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":168045,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary International Relations and Diplomacy","volume":"211 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116295456","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-04DOI: 10.53982/jcird.2023.0401.01-j
Jude Odigbo, Kingsley Chukwudubem Ezekwelu, R. Okeke
Post-colonial Africa is fraught with myriads of endogenous and exogenous challenges. This paper argues that decades of deplorable democratic experience in Africa have rather reincarnated some sorts of discontents and rebellious confrontation in some states in Africa. This is exemplified in the recent military coups in Sudan, Ethiopia, Central African Republic, Mali, Burkina Faso and the failed coups in Guinea Bissau and Gambia. The study utilizes documentary methods of data collection and adopts frustration-aggression theory in explaining the contradictions that appeared to have stultified democracy in Africa which apparently have denied the people the corresponding gains embedded in democratic practice. It concludes that ending the resurgence of military coups in Africa demands urgent steps to enthrone good governance in Africa’s democratic states. The paper recommends the institutionalization of governance in lieu of the prevailing personalization of state institutions in Africa.
{"title":"Democracy’s Discontent and the Resurgence of Military Coups in Africa","authors":"Jude Odigbo, Kingsley Chukwudubem Ezekwelu, R. Okeke","doi":"10.53982/jcird.2023.0401.01-j","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53982/jcird.2023.0401.01-j","url":null,"abstract":"Post-colonial Africa is fraught with myriads of endogenous and exogenous challenges. This paper argues that decades of deplorable democratic experience in Africa have rather reincarnated some sorts of discontents and rebellious confrontation in some states in Africa. This is exemplified in the recent military coups in Sudan, Ethiopia, Central African Republic, Mali, Burkina Faso and the failed coups in Guinea Bissau and Gambia. The study utilizes documentary methods of data collection and adopts frustration-aggression theory in explaining the contradictions that appeared to have stultified democracy in Africa which apparently have denied the people the corresponding gains embedded in democratic practice. It concludes that ending the resurgence of military coups in Africa demands urgent steps to enthrone good governance in Africa’s democratic states. The paper recommends the institutionalization of governance in lieu of the prevailing personalization of state institutions in Africa.","PeriodicalId":168045,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary International Relations and Diplomacy","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132300571","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-04DOI: 10.53982/jcird.2023.0401.05-j
V. C. Obikaeze, A. Nwokoye, Bassey Manasseh, O. H. Efanodor-Obeten
Despite United States-Nigeria military cooperation which has provided an opportunity for professional training of the Nigerian military, particularly in the area of ‘rules of engagement’, there has been series of reported human rights violations in Nigeria. This usually takes place during internal conflicts that necessitate the intervention of the military. There has been non-adherence to international humanitarian law as well as weak enforcement of national legal frameworks pertaining to human rights. The study examined how the U.S. professional training has reoriented the Nigerian Armed Forces regarding respect and protection of human rights in conflict situations. The study adopted ‘case study’ method that focuses on few cases in order to engage in an empirical analysis. There still existing lacunas in the operations of the Nigerian armed forces regarding protection and respect of the rights of civilians. Thus, there have been widespread and pervasive human rights abuses perpetrated by the Nigerian military which have resulted to arbitrary killings, tortures, rapes and so forth. Sadly, the Nigerian state provides shield to the perpetrators of unlawful acts that pervert the basic rules of engagement. Absence of effective rule of law in Nigeria emboldens the army in particular, to perpetuate colossal human rights violations. The paper argues that the behavioural patterns of the Nigerian military would remain unchanged until the character of the Nigerian state changes. There should be a strong recall of rule of law by establishing strong institutions where the justice system in Nigeria is viable enough to control the state itself.
{"title":"The United States-Nigerian Military Co-operation and Adherence to Rules of Engagement by the Nigerian Military during Internal Security Operations, 1999-2020","authors":"V. C. Obikaeze, A. Nwokoye, Bassey Manasseh, O. H. Efanodor-Obeten","doi":"10.53982/jcird.2023.0401.05-j","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53982/jcird.2023.0401.05-j","url":null,"abstract":"Despite United States-Nigeria military cooperation which has provided an opportunity for professional training of the Nigerian military, particularly in the area of ‘rules of engagement’, there has been series of reported human rights violations in Nigeria. This usually takes place during internal conflicts that necessitate the intervention of the military. There has been non-adherence to international humanitarian law as well as weak enforcement of national legal frameworks pertaining to human rights. The study examined how the U.S. professional training has reoriented the Nigerian Armed Forces regarding respect and protection of human rights in conflict situations. The study adopted ‘case study’ method that focuses on few cases in order to engage in an empirical analysis. There still existing lacunas in the operations of the Nigerian armed forces regarding protection and respect of the rights of civilians. Thus, there have been widespread and pervasive human rights abuses perpetrated by the Nigerian military which have resulted to arbitrary killings, tortures, rapes and so forth. Sadly, the Nigerian state provides shield to the perpetrators of unlawful acts that pervert the basic rules of engagement. Absence of effective rule of law in Nigeria emboldens the army in particular, to perpetuate colossal human rights violations. The paper argues that the behavioural patterns of the Nigerian military would remain unchanged until the character of the Nigerian state changes. There should be a strong recall of rule of law by establishing strong institutions where the justice system in Nigeria is viable enough to control the state itself.","PeriodicalId":168045,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary International Relations and Diplomacy","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117083979","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-04DOI: 10.53982/jcird.2023.0401.03-j
Chibuike Victor Obikaeze, Ndifreke S. Umo-Udo, A. Nwokoye, Tunmise Oyindamola Daramola
Nigeria-China trade and investment relations are claimed to move to the advantage of China. Hence, the more their trade relation flourishes, the more Nigeria experiences trade deficits, and the more China records trade surpluses. In this scenario, Nigeria depends more on imports from China than China. That is why Nigerian market is overflowed with Chinese made products such as cell phones, television sets and so forth. The study examined how Nigeria-China relations impact on the manufacturing sector in Nigeria. The study employed secondary source of data collection and relied on ‘content analysis’ as a technique for data analysis. There has been recorded failure of Nigeria to compete favourably with China in terms of import and export of manufactured products. The manufacturing sector in Nigeria remains far behind to commensurately compete with China’s. Over concentration on the oil sector is directly linked to over reliance of the Nigerian economy on oil sector. The study draws a paradigm shift from the argument that China relations with Nigeria is imperialistic, to a hypothesis that the failure of the Nigerian government to adequately reposition Nigerian manufacturing to a globally competitive status through research and development as well as human capacity building, is thus, mainly responsible. The disarticulated economic structures Nigeria is currently maintaining is less capable of guaranteeing the development of the manufacturing sector that can enjoy competitive advantages in the international markets. Policy actions that are geared towards human capacity building and provision of sustainable incentives to local investors are needed.
{"title":"Nigeria-China Bilateral Relations: Re-examining the Trajectory of the Nigerian Manufacturing Sector","authors":"Chibuike Victor Obikaeze, Ndifreke S. Umo-Udo, A. Nwokoye, Tunmise Oyindamola Daramola","doi":"10.53982/jcird.2023.0401.03-j","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53982/jcird.2023.0401.03-j","url":null,"abstract":"Nigeria-China trade and investment relations are claimed to move to the advantage of China. Hence, the more their trade relation flourishes, the more Nigeria experiences trade deficits, and the more China records trade surpluses. In this scenario, Nigeria depends more on imports from China than China. That is why Nigerian market is overflowed with Chinese made products such as cell phones, television sets and so forth. The study examined how Nigeria-China relations impact on the manufacturing sector in Nigeria. The study employed secondary source of data collection and relied on ‘content analysis’ as a technique for data analysis. There has been recorded failure of Nigeria to compete favourably with China in terms of import and export of manufactured products. The manufacturing sector in Nigeria remains far behind to commensurately compete with China’s. Over concentration on the oil sector is directly linked to over reliance of the Nigerian economy on oil sector. The study draws a paradigm shift from the argument that China relations with Nigeria is imperialistic, to a hypothesis that the failure of the Nigerian government to adequately reposition Nigerian manufacturing to a globally competitive status through research and development as well as human capacity building, is thus, mainly responsible. The disarticulated economic structures Nigeria is currently maintaining is less capable of guaranteeing the development of the manufacturing sector that can enjoy competitive advantages in the international markets. Policy actions that are geared towards human capacity building and provision of sustainable incentives to local investors are needed.","PeriodicalId":168045,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary International Relations and Diplomacy","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131267970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 2016, the Federal government of Nigeria under President Muhammadu Buhari established the National Social Investment Program (NSIP), including the Cash Transfers (CTs) to tackle poverty in the country and prevent vulnerable households from falling further down the poverty line. The CTs program, known as the Household Upliftment Program (HUP) targeted the poorest of the poor for 6 years (2016-2022) by giving N5000 monthly to “poor” households across the 36 States and the Federal Capital territory. As stated in the National Social Safety Nets Project (NASSP) Manual, cash transfer implementation was guided by gender action plans designed in line with the gender mainstreaming strategy, whose objective is to is to ensure equitable representation and participation in the program by all genders. This paper seeks to address two important research questions; what are the specific ways the gender mainstreaming approach was used in the design of the cash transfer program? Is the implementation of the cash transfers in line with the gender mainstreaming approach?
{"title":"Cash Transfers to Poor and Vulnerable Households in Nigeria: A Critical Analysis of the Gender Mainstreaming Approach","authors":"Adaora Osondu-Oti, Ibraheem Salisu Adam, Shikfu Shimang","doi":"10.53982/jcird.2023.0401.04-j","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53982/jcird.2023.0401.04-j","url":null,"abstract":"In 2016, the Federal government of Nigeria under President Muhammadu Buhari established the National Social Investment Program (NSIP), including the Cash Transfers (CTs) to tackle poverty in the country and prevent vulnerable households from falling further down the poverty line. The CTs program, known as the Household Upliftment Program (HUP) targeted the poorest of the poor for 6 years (2016-2022) by giving N5000 monthly to “poor” households across the 36 States and the Federal Capital territory. As stated in the National Social Safety Nets Project (NASSP) Manual, cash transfer implementation was guided by gender action plans designed in line with the gender mainstreaming strategy, whose objective is to is to ensure equitable representation and participation in the program by all genders. This paper seeks to address two important research questions; what are the specific ways the gender mainstreaming approach was used in the design of the cash transfer program? Is the implementation of the cash transfers in line with the gender mainstreaming approach?","PeriodicalId":168045,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary International Relations and Diplomacy","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114989252","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-04DOI: 10.53982/jcird.2023.0401.07-j
C.V. Muoneke, Emmanuel Nnaemeka Nnani
The dynamism of international law when enmeshed in politics is critical especially when superpowers are involved in the violation of international humanitarian and human right laws. The Russia invasion of Ukraine is a vivid example. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine which commenced on 24 February 2022 represented just the latest, albeit most devastating, intervention in a neighbouring former Soviet state. In the effort to examine that, our aims are to critically assess the dynamism of international law in politics through the analysis of the forceful invasion of territorial integrity of Ukraine by Russian government under the leadership of Vladimir Putin in order to underscore the potency of international law when the political interests of a superpowers are involved. In that regard, the paper employed the political realism theory of international relations in the effort to give the work a trajectory narrative. Secondary method of data collection and historical content analysis approach were employed in the collection and analysis of the phenomenon understudy. One of the key findings of this paper is that indeed Russia violated the sovereignty of Ukraine and therefore violated the rules of international law and as a superpower nation the global community seems confused or carefully handling the war in order to avoid the occurrence of another world war. Russia being the current president of the Permanent Members of the UN left the entire nations concerned with worries over the violation of human and humanitarian rights of the Ukrainians. Based on our findings, one of the recommendations put forward is the urgent need for all member states of the UN to take steps to end the conflict as soon as possible in a way that all the interests of the parties are considered. They should comply strictly with the rules of international human right laws and international humanitarian laws to ensure the protection of civilians.
{"title":"The Dynamism of International Law in Politics: An Appraisal of Russo-Ukrainian War","authors":"C.V. Muoneke, Emmanuel Nnaemeka Nnani","doi":"10.53982/jcird.2023.0401.07-j","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53982/jcird.2023.0401.07-j","url":null,"abstract":"The dynamism of international law when enmeshed in politics is critical especially when superpowers are involved in the violation of international humanitarian and human right laws. The Russia invasion of Ukraine is a vivid example. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine which commenced on 24 February 2022 represented just the latest, albeit most devastating, intervention in a neighbouring former Soviet state. In the effort to examine that, our aims are to critically assess the dynamism of international law in politics through the analysis of the forceful invasion of territorial integrity of Ukraine by Russian government under the leadership of Vladimir Putin in order to underscore the potency of international law when the political interests of a superpowers are involved. In that regard, the paper employed the political realism theory of international relations in the effort to give the work a trajectory narrative. Secondary method of data collection and historical content analysis approach were employed in the collection and analysis of the phenomenon understudy. One of the key findings of this paper is that indeed Russia violated the sovereignty of Ukraine and therefore violated the rules of international law and as a superpower nation the global community seems confused or carefully handling the war in order to avoid the occurrence of another world war. Russia being the current president of the Permanent Members of the UN left the entire nations concerned with worries over the violation of human and humanitarian rights of the Ukrainians. Based on our findings, one of the recommendations put forward is the urgent need for all member states of the UN to take steps to end the conflict as soon as possible in a way that all the interests of the parties are considered. They should comply strictly with the rules of international human right laws and international humanitarian laws to ensure the protection of civilians.","PeriodicalId":168045,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary International Relations and Diplomacy","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127501233","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-04DOI: 10.53982/jcird.2023.0401.02-j
Ajinde Oluwashakin
Nigeria and Rwanda have long existed as colonial states of European imperialism in the 1800s, and gained their independence in the early 1960s, but they never had diplomatic relations until about mid-2000s. In 2011, the Republic of Rwanda opened its High Commission in Abuja, while the FederalRepublic of Nigeria also opened its High Commission in Kigali in 2012. Since the official opening of their diplomatic missions, both countries have been enjoying very cordial bilateral relations in many sectors, especially in socioeconomic ties. It is a relation that has been described by some pundits as, “A big brother, little brother affair”. From this perspective, the paper examines how “big” and “little” brotherly affair can be taken as “equal partnership” to advance economic development for the benefit of both parties. Data were generated from both primary and secondary sources. Primary data was derived from Nigeria High Commission diplomats in Kigali; while secondary data were gathered from newspapers, books and websites. The neoliberal theoretical perspective is adopted as a “partial” approach to analyze the value and volume of economic cooperation and interdependence of state relations. The study revealed that both countries have “signed general agreements for cooperation” which include Air transport agreement between Kigali and Lagos and the Artemis Accord, in Space exploration. As such, the paper stressed the imperative of strengthening of equal partnership that will deliver benefits for both countries’ burgeoning economies. The volume of trade can be increased to boost both countries’ economic development in particular, and Africa’s development in general.
{"title":"Nigeria-Rwanda Relations: Strengthening Partnership for Development","authors":"Ajinde Oluwashakin","doi":"10.53982/jcird.2023.0401.02-j","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53982/jcird.2023.0401.02-j","url":null,"abstract":"Nigeria and Rwanda have long existed as colonial states of European imperialism in the 1800s, and gained their independence in the early 1960s, but they never had diplomatic relations until about mid-2000s. In 2011, the Republic of Rwanda opened its High Commission in Abuja, while the FederalRepublic of Nigeria also opened its High Commission in Kigali in 2012. Since the official opening of their diplomatic missions, both countries have been enjoying very cordial bilateral relations in many sectors, especially in socioeconomic ties. It is a relation that has been described by some pundits as, “A big brother, little brother affair”. From this perspective, the paper examines how “big” and “little” brotherly affair can be taken as “equal partnership” to advance economic development for the benefit of both parties. Data were generated from both primary and secondary sources. Primary data was derived from Nigeria High Commission diplomats in Kigali; while secondary data were gathered from newspapers, books and websites. The neoliberal theoretical perspective is adopted as a “partial” approach to analyze the value and volume of economic cooperation and interdependence of state relations. The study revealed that both countries have “signed general agreements for cooperation” which include Air transport agreement between Kigali and Lagos and the Artemis Accord, in Space exploration. As such, the paper stressed the imperative of strengthening of equal partnership that will deliver benefits for both countries’ burgeoning economies. The volume of trade can be increased to boost both countries’ economic development in particular, and Africa’s development in general.","PeriodicalId":168045,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary International Relations and Diplomacy","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129845043","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-30DOI: 10.53982/jcird.2022.0302.07-j
Donald Kanu, T. Oseni
Owing to the growing threats of pandemics like the Corona Virus (COVID-19) among other emerging infectious diseases, terrorism, genocide, human trafficking, and the proliferation of small arms and light weapons among others, the study assessed the United Nations (UN) on the collective agreement in maintaining global peace and stability. In achieving these, the study adopted the descriptive research design and derived relevant data through the use of semi-structured interviews with respondents randomly chosen from the five permanent member states of the UN Security Council (UNSC). The system theory was employed to provide a clear understanding of the subject matter and the need for institution and collectiveness in the management and sustainability of world peace. However, findings revealed that a restructured UNSC is necessary to give room for a more responsive and all-inclusive organization. This brings to the fore the importance of collective agreements in a multilateral world to collectively and efficiently tackle the contemporary threats to world peace and stability.
{"title":"United Nations and Collective Agreements on Global Security: Issues and Perspectives","authors":"Donald Kanu, T. Oseni","doi":"10.53982/jcird.2022.0302.07-j","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53982/jcird.2022.0302.07-j","url":null,"abstract":"Owing to the growing threats of pandemics like the Corona Virus (COVID-19) among other emerging infectious diseases, terrorism, genocide, human trafficking, and the proliferation of small arms and light weapons among others, the study assessed the United Nations (UN) on the collective agreement in maintaining global peace and stability. In achieving these, the study adopted the descriptive research design and derived relevant data through the use of semi-structured interviews with respondents randomly chosen from the five permanent member states of the UN Security Council (UNSC). The system theory was employed to provide a clear understanding of the subject matter and the need for institution and collectiveness in the management and sustainability of world peace. However, findings revealed that a restructured UNSC is necessary to give room for a more responsive and all-inclusive organization. This brings to the fore the importance of collective agreements in a multilateral world to collectively and efficiently tackle the contemporary threats to world peace and stability.","PeriodicalId":168045,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary International Relations and Diplomacy","volume":"89 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117169841","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-30DOI: 10.53982/jcird.2022.0302.05-j
Olajumoke Amoo
This paper examines the nexus between orphanage management in Child’s Rights and Adoption Policy in Lagos State, Nigeria, as a gauge of how much Nigeria strives to meet the African Union (AU) Agenda 2063. The research methodology includes sourcing informed views of resourceful scholars and workers on the subject matter; library search; relevant government documents, journal articles and conference proceedings. The findings of the study indicate that the situation of orphans and vulnerable children is escalating and beyond the capacities of many traditional families which necessitates institutional care and its role in an inclusive society for all children. The study is relevant in understanding the plight of orphans, vulnerable children and how States can support families and communities for improved developmental outcomes and as such produce wholesome individuals who will birth Africa’s renaissance.
{"title":"Child Rights Law, Adoption Policy and Orphanage Management in Lagos: Implications for Responsible Citizenship and the Actualization of the African Union 2063 Agenda","authors":"Olajumoke Amoo","doi":"10.53982/jcird.2022.0302.05-j","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53982/jcird.2022.0302.05-j","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the nexus between orphanage management in Child’s Rights and Adoption Policy in Lagos State, Nigeria, as a gauge of how much Nigeria strives to meet the African Union (AU) Agenda 2063. The research methodology includes sourcing informed views of resourceful scholars and workers on the subject matter; library search; relevant government documents, journal articles and conference proceedings. The findings of the study indicate that the situation of orphans and vulnerable children is escalating and beyond the capacities of many traditional families which necessitates institutional care and its role in an inclusive society for all children. The study is relevant in understanding the plight of orphans, vulnerable children and how States can support families and communities for improved developmental outcomes and as such produce wholesome individuals who will birth Africa’s renaissance.","PeriodicalId":168045,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary International Relations and Diplomacy","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124724481","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-30DOI: 10.53982/jcird.2022.0302.01-j
Felix Vincent Nnamani
This study examined the impact of US Africa Command on maritime security in the Gulf of Guinea in West Africa, between 2007 and 2020, with specific emphasis on the core maritime security challenges in West Africa. The study was anchored on the World Systems Theory, while data were generated using documentary and survey methods. Data collected were analysed using content analysis. The study found that maritime security challenges in West Africa include piracy, armed robbery, and drug trafficking. It also found that maritime insecurity has remained endemic in the Gulf of Guinea, despite the establishment of US Africa Command. The study locates the limited effectiveness of AFRICOM in mitigating maritime security challenges to its establishment without adequate consultation with West African leaders which triggered suspicion and resistance among countries in the Gulf of Guinea. The study posits that the geostrategic importance of the sub-regional maritime has remained the U.S government’s strategic interest. The study, therefore, recommends, among others, that the U.S. government should strengthen inter-state collaboration through existing security agencies in the sub-region.
{"title":"United States’ Africa Command and Maritime Security in the Gulf of Guinea, 2007 – 2020","authors":"Felix Vincent Nnamani","doi":"10.53982/jcird.2022.0302.01-j","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53982/jcird.2022.0302.01-j","url":null,"abstract":"This study examined the impact of US Africa Command on maritime security in the Gulf of Guinea in West Africa, between 2007 and 2020, with specific emphasis on the core maritime security challenges in West Africa. The study was anchored on the World Systems Theory, while data were generated using documentary and survey methods. Data collected were analysed using content analysis. The study found that maritime security challenges in West Africa include piracy, armed robbery, and drug trafficking. It also found that maritime insecurity has remained endemic in the Gulf of Guinea, despite the establishment of US Africa Command. The study locates the limited effectiveness of AFRICOM in mitigating maritime security challenges to its establishment without adequate consultation with West African leaders which triggered suspicion and resistance among countries in the Gulf of Guinea. The study posits that the geostrategic importance of the sub-regional maritime has remained the U.S government’s strategic interest. The study, therefore, recommends, among others, that the U.S. government should strengthen inter-state collaboration through existing security agencies in the sub-region.","PeriodicalId":168045,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary International Relations and Diplomacy","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124023085","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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