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Nigeria’s Foreign Policy, Regional Obligations and Constant Order Closures 尼日利亚的外交政策、区域义务和不断的订单关闭
Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.53982/jcird.2022.0302.04-j
Chukwuemeka Enyiazu
Colonialism destroyed Africa’s long-standing intra-African trade. Hence, at independence there was a move for regional integration to diversify Africa’s economy. Nigeria had been at the driving seat of Africa’s regional integration. In West Africa, Nigeria pioneered the formation of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in 1975. Though Africa has 21.2% of the global landmass and 13.7% of world population, its share of global economic activities is a meagre 2.6%. Its intratrade is 12%, paralleled to an average of 53.5% in other regions of the world. However, Nigeria over time has engaged in anti-trade policies like border closure, the latest being on 20 August 2019, three months after signing the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA). This has caused ripples within Nigeria, West Africa and Africa at large. This study interrogates Nigeria’s constant border closures, with questions on whether it is in Nigeria’s national interest and if its objective were achieved? The study uses the Regional Leader Role framework of analysis, a sub-set of National Role theory (NRC). The study is a qualitative and non-experimental study and is based on the single case ex-post-facto (after-the-fact) design. Documentary method of data collection is used. The study concludes that Nigeria with over 1,499 illegal land routes into the country, cannot even ‘close’ its border, hence border closure is a lose-lose policy for Nigeria and recommends collaborative actions with her neighbours, the strengthening of border and ports infrastructures as the way forward.
殖民主义摧毁了非洲长期存在的内部贸易。因此,在非洲独立时,就有了区域一体化的举措,以使非洲经济多样化。尼日利亚一直处于非洲区域一体化的主导地位。在西非,尼日利亚在1975年率先成立了西非国家经济共同体(西非经共体)。尽管非洲拥有全球21.2%的陆地面积和13.7%的人口,但其在全球经济活动中所占的份额仅为微不足道的2.6%。其内部贸易占12%,与世界其他地区53.5%的平均水平持平。然而,随着时间的推移,尼日利亚采取了关闭边境等反贸易政策,最近一次是在2019年8月20日,即签署《非洲大陆自由贸易协定》(AfCFTA)三个月后。这在尼日利亚、西非和整个非洲引起了涟漪。本研究对尼日利亚不断关闭边境的做法提出质疑,质疑这是否符合尼日利亚的国家利益,以及是否达到了目的?本研究采用了国家角色理论(NRC)的一个子集——区域领导者角色分析框架。该研究是一项定性和非实验研究,并基于单一案例的事后(事后)设计。采用文献资料收集方法。该研究的结论是,尼日利亚有超过1499条非法陆路进入该国,甚至不能“关闭”其边境,因此边境关闭对尼日利亚来说是一个双输的政策,并建议与邻国合作采取行动,加强边境和港口基础设施作为前进的方向。
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引用次数: 0
Nation-state Level of Analysis of North Korea’s Foreign Policy on Nuclear Deterrence 朝鲜核威慑外交政策的民族国家层面分析
Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.53982/jcird.2022.0302.08-j
Toluwanimi Esther Adebolu-Ololade, Emeka C. Iloh
North Korea became a nuclear weapon state in 2006 and has vehemently pursued and advanced its nuclear weapons program against the desires of the international community with claims that its policy on nuclear deterrence is to deter enemy states from attacking. Hence, the issue has been a source of debate in recent years. The study therefore conducted an analysis of North Korea’s foreign policy on nuclear deterrence using the nation state level of foreign policy analysis to better understand the foreign policy decision. The study found that states peculiarities such as the type of government, bureaucracy, military capacity, identity and ideology, national interest, location and national resources, population, public opinion, and economic capacity among others, can influence a state’s foreign policy decision-making. The study concludes that despite the authoritarian leadership in North Korea, all these other elements and characteristics within the state actively shape North Korea’s foreign policy on nuclear deterrence.
北韩于2006年成为拥核国家,并不顾国际社会的反对,声称其核威慑政策是为了阻止敌国的攻击,积极推进核武器计划。因此,这个问题近年来一直是争论的根源。因此,本研究利用民族国家层面的外交政策分析,对朝鲜的核威慑外交政策进行了分析,以更好地理解外交政策决策。研究发现,国家的特点,如政府类型、官僚机构、军事能力、身份和意识形态、国家利益、地理位置和国家资源、人口、公众舆论和经济能力等,都会影响一个国家的外交政策决策。该研究的结论是,尽管朝鲜的领导是专制的,但该国内部的所有其他因素和特征都积极地影响着朝鲜的核威慑外交政策。
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引用次数: 0
The Global Peace Mandate of the United Nations Security Council, Conflict Management and the Israeli-Palestinian Question 联合国安全理事会的全球和平任务、冲突管理和以色列-巴勒斯坦问题
Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.53982/jcird.2022.0302.02-j
Glorious Preye Summersett, Adebola A. Alade
The United Nations global conflict management strategy is based on certain fundamental assumptions that require serious re-examination in the twenty-first century. This study is focused on the United Nations Security Council, its global peace maintenance responsibility mandated by the United Nations Charter and the protracted Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The doctrinal approach was employed for this study. This is with aim to assess the long-standing violence between Israel and Palestine and a possible way of effective management and possible resolution, which is the sole responsibility of the United Nations Security Council. The study shed more light on the role of the Security Council, its efforts and its challenges that are hampering warring nations from settling their disputes. The study concluded that, although the United Nations Security Council has played vital roles in instituting global peace, which is the fundamental principle of macroeconomic stability, the reforms of the Council is at the top of the most pressing global political issues facing the international community. Therefore, among the recommendations of this study is that, the reformation of the Council to mirror the present globalized world political order is of utmost significance in order to provide room for effective regional or continental representation, just as a representative government is well suited for a federating country. This would enable effective representation via regional or continental powers creating a platform for feasibly effective conflict management and possible resolution of interstate conflicts.
联合国的全球冲突管理战略是以某些基本假设为基础的,这些假设需要在21世纪进行认真的重新审查。这项研究的重点是联合国安全理事会、《联合国宪章》赋予它的维持全球和平的责任以及旷日持久的以色列-巴勒斯坦冲突。本研究采用理论方法。这样做的目的是评估以色列和巴勒斯坦之间长期存在的暴力以及有效管理和可能解决的可能方式,这是联合国安全理事会的唯一责任。这项研究进一步揭示了安理会的作用、它的努力和它所面临的挑战,这些都阻碍了交战国家解决争端。该研究的结论是,尽管联合国安全理事会在建立全球和平方面发挥了至关重要的作用,而全球和平是宏观经济稳定的基本原则,但安理会的改革是国际社会面临的最紧迫的全球政治问题的首要问题。因此,本研究的建议之一是,改革安理会以反映当前全球化的世界政治秩序是至关重要的,以便为有效的区域或大陆代表性提供空间,正如代议制政府非常适合联邦制国家一样。这将使通过区域或大陆大国的有效代表权成为可能,为切实有效的冲突管理和可能解决的国家间冲突创造一个平台。
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引用次数: 0
Fighting Corruption is Dangerous: The Story behind the Headlines, by Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala 反腐败是危险的:标题背后的故事,作者:恩戈齐·奥孔乔-伊韦拉
Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.53982/jcird.2022.0302.09-j
Udoh Idoroenyen
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引用次数: 0
America’s Foreign Policy and the Challenges of Liberal Democracy in Africa 美国外交政策与自由民主在非洲的挑战
Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.53982/jcird.2022.0302.03-j
J. Fajimbola
The paper examines the United States of America’s foreign policy toward Africa in terms of promoting liberal democracy, as well as the challenges that African countries face in putting liberal democracy principles into practice, thereby impeding expected dividends and development. It is based on secondary data sources and descriptive data analysis methods. The findings revealed a gap between what the United States proposed for Africa in terms of good governance, anti-corruption, and social development and how liberal democracy actually works on the continent. The paper observed that, despite America’s celebration of liberal democracy, the effect in Africa is contextualized by the majority of African countries’ experiences of impressive governance, ineffective leadership, and endemic corruption. The various bilateral agreements between the United States of America and some African countries to promote liberal democracy have also been called into question due to deviations from expected outcomes. The paper suggests a philosophical approach to liberal democracy in Africa that incorporates pre-colonial African leadership traditions and governance cultures. African governments should invest adequately in youths and galvanize their energies for productivity through employment opportunities in order to uphold and protect liberal democracy. On the other hand, the United States should strengthen bilateral relations with each African country to ensure that they achieve good governance and economic development for mutual benefit.
本文从促进自由民主的角度考察了美国对非洲的外交政策,以及非洲国家在实施自由民主原则方面面临的挑战,从而阻碍了预期的红利和发展。它是基于二手数据源和描述性数据分析方法。调查结果显示,美国在良好治理、反腐败和社会发展方面为非洲提出的建议与自由民主在非洲大陆的实际运作方式之间存在差距。文章指出,尽管美国推崇自由民主,但自由民主对非洲的影响是由大多数非洲国家令人印象深刻的治理、低效的领导和地方性的腐败所决定的。美利坚合众国和一些非洲国家之间促进自由民主的各种双边协定也因偏离预期结果而受到质疑。本文提出了一种结合殖民前非洲领导传统和治理文化的非洲自由民主的哲学方法。非洲各国政府应该充分投资于青年,并通过就业机会激发他们的生产力,以维护和保护自由民主主义。另一方面,美国应加强与每个非洲国家的双边关系,确保他们实现良好的治理和互惠互利的经济发展。
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引用次数: 0
Theories of International Relations and the Fluidity of the International Political System 国际关系理论与国际政治体系的流动性
Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.53982/jcird.2022.0302.06-j
Chidiebere J. Onwutuebe
The international political system continues to undergo varying degrees of permutation which often beckon the need to (re)appraise, contest, revise and reposition hitherto existing theories of international relations with a view to achieving relative precision in the analysis of global events. Recent developments in the international political system resonate and validate the fluidity and evolving nature of theories of international relations as tools required to describe, explain, analyse and predict global trends. This study underscores the place and role of prevailing global forces in shaping the nature, direction and character of theories of international relations. It demonstrated ways in which centripetal and centrifugal subtleties of the international system orchestrate new political thoughts and search for more apposite theoretical frameworks necessary to capture the exigencies of emerging world realties. Secondary data and descriptive method of analyses were used in the study. The study showed that regardless of the usefulness of theories of international relations in creating relevant links necessary to explain observable scenarios in the global arena, their importance resides largely in their capacity to reasonably account for global actions, behaviours and events irrespective of differences in historical time boundaries as well as variations in geographies. In conclusion, the study stressed the susceptibility of theories of international relations to vagaries of an ever-evolving international system majorly characterized by trends in peace and war, cooperation and conflicts, conflictual national foreign policy objectives as well as general interest of states and non-state actors.
国际政治制度继续经历不同程度的排列,这往往要求需要(重新)评价、竞争、修订和重新定位迄今为止存在的国际关系理论,以便在分析全球事件方面取得相对精确的结果。国际政治体系的最新发展引起了共鸣,并证实了国际关系理论作为描述、解释、分析和预测全球趋势所需工具的流动性和不断发展的性质。这项研究强调了主要的全球力量在形成国际关系理论的性质、方向和特征方面的地位和作用。它展示了国际体系的向心力和离心力的微妙之处如何协调新的政治思想,并寻求捕捉正在出现的世界现实的紧急情况所必需的更合适的理论框架。本研究采用二手资料和描述性分析方法。研究表明,无论国际关系理论在建立必要的相关联系以解释全球舞台上可观察到的各种情况方面是否有用,其重要性主要在于它们能够合理地解释全球行动、行为和事件,而不考虑历史时间界限的差异和地理的变化。最后,该研究强调了国际关系理论易受不断演变的国际体系变幻莫测的影响,其主要特点是和平与战争、合作与冲突、冲突的国家外交政策目标以及国家和非国家行为体的普遍利益。
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引用次数: 0
Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine, the Driving Forces, and Implications for Africa 俄罗斯入侵乌克兰的动因及其对非洲的影响
Pub Date : 2022-06-30 DOI: 10.53982/jcird.2022.0301.09-j
Adaora Osondu-Oti, Emeka C. Iloh, O. Omole
The study interrogates the issues surrounding Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the ongoing war between the two Eastern European countries. It examines the remote and immediate causes of the invasion as well as the position of leading and other members of the UN Security Council and other world leaders on the aggression. The study also analysed Russia’s justification of the invasion based on the fact that Russia’s security is being threatened by the continued expansion of NATO to Eastern Europe, against which Moscow claims it is a red line that cannot be tolerated. A brief background of the crisis that led to the invasion/war was examined, as well as the internal and external factors that triggered the invasion. Finally, the paper examined the implications of Russia’s invasion of Africa. The study relied on documentary evidence sourced mainly from the internet and applied the realist theory in analysing the issues. The study found that though NATO’s expansion eastwards and Ukraine’s intention to join the security alliance were the immediate triggers for the invasion, several other remote factors contributed to the invasion. The study also found that though Africa is miles away from the theatre of conflict, it is being affected in several ways by the conflict. Amongst others, the paper recommends that Africa should maintain its non-aligned posture in the conflict, and should seek closer ties within the continent and with non-European partners to cushion the effects of the war.
这项研究调查了俄罗斯入侵乌克兰以及这两个东欧国家之间正在进行的战争。它审查了入侵的遥远和直接原因,以及联合国安理会领导和其他成员以及其他世界领导人对侵略的立场。该研究还分析了俄罗斯对入侵的理由,理由是俄罗斯的安全正受到北约继续向东欧扩张的威胁,莫斯科声称这是一条不可容忍的红线。简要介绍了导致入侵/战争的危机背景,以及引发入侵的内部和外部因素。最后,本文考察了俄罗斯入侵非洲的影响。该研究主要依靠来自互联网的文献证据,并应用现实主义理论来分析问题。研究发现,尽管北约东扩和乌克兰加入安全联盟的意图是此次入侵的直接诱因,但还有其他一些遥远的因素促成了入侵。该研究还发现,尽管非洲距离冲突地区有数英里之遥,但它在许多方面都受到冲突的影响。除其他外,该文件建议非洲应在冲突中保持不结盟的姿态,并应在非洲大陆内部和与非欧洲伙伴寻求更密切的联系,以缓冲战争的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Political Instability and Insecurity in Africa: Implications for African Union Agenda 2063 非洲的政治不稳定和不安全:对非洲联盟2063年议程的影响
Pub Date : 2022-06-30 DOI: 10.53982/jcird.2022.0301.08-j
Obinna Ukaeje
The idea of the transformation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) to the African Union (AU) in 1999, by African Heads of State and governments, was to accelerate the processes of regional economic integration in the continent. Thus, the AU came into being to enable the continent to play a significant role in global economic affairs, while addressing other multifaceted social, economic, and political problems that tend to hinder progress in the continent. However, after more than two decades of its transformation, and despite the adoption of Agenda 2063 which aims to accelerate economic progress in Africa, the continent remains at a crossroads in its struggle to grapple with the challenges of achieving its core objectives. Drawing data largely from secondary sources of information, the paper attempted a critical examination of the political instability and insecurity across many African states, especially as the continent strives towards achieving economic progress through the framework of Agenda 2063, and found out that political instability and insecurity are fundamental challenges standing against the actualization of the Agenda’s objectives. The paper, therefore, concluded that unless these challenges are mitigated, the Agenda 2063 will remain nothing but a document that cannot be actualized because the peace and security required to attend such an enviable feat is seriously in breach in a majority of the states of the Union. The paper recommended the entrenchment of democratic culture and constitutionalism as well as strengthening of existing institutions of governance as the first step towards achieving the desired peace and security that will ensure the economic progress of the continent.
1999年,非洲国家元首和政府首脑提出将非洲统一组织(OAU)转变为非洲联盟(AU)的想法,目的是加快非洲大陆区域经济一体化的进程。因此,非盟的成立是为了使非洲大陆在全球经济事务中发挥重要作用,同时解决其他多方面的社会、经济和政治问题,这些问题往往会阻碍非洲大陆的进步。然而,在经历了二十多年的转型之后,尽管通过了旨在加速非洲经济进步的《2063年议程》,非洲大陆在努力应对实现其核心目标的挑战方面仍然处于十字路口。本文主要从二手信息来源中获取数据,试图对许多非洲国家的政治不稳定和不安全进行批判性检查,特别是在非洲大陆通过《2063年议程》框架努力实现经济进步的过程中,并发现政治不稳定和不安全是反对实现议程目标的根本挑战。因此,该文件的结论是,除非这些挑战得到缓解,否则《2063年议程》将仅仅是一份无法实现的文件,因为参加这一令人羡慕的壮举所需的和平与安全在联盟的大多数国家遭到严重破坏。该文件建议巩固民主文化和宪政以及加强现有的管理机构,作为实现所期望的和平与安全的第一步,这将确保非洲大陆的经济进步。
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引用次数: 0
Addressing insecurity through good governance: A panacea for stable and peaceful Africa 通过善治解决不安全问题:非洲稳定与和平的灵丹妙药
Pub Date : 2022-06-30 DOI: 10.53982/jcird.2022.0301.03-j
Olalekan Samuel Fatokun, O. Rotimi
The realization of a peaceful and stable Africa as one of the goals and aspirations of the ‘African Union Agenda 2063: the Africa We Want’ is achievable but only in an environment devoid of insecurity and other conditions that threaten human existence. The insecurity challenges in some parts of Africa have assumed a formidable dimension that requires a multi-stakeholder approach to resolve. Meanwhile, good governance has proved to be a virile mechanism to address insecurity and ameliorate conditions that threaten human existence. It is a major driving force towards peace, security, and sustainable development in any country of the world that has experienced or still experiencing such development. This study argues that a stable and peaceful Africa is a mirage in the face of insecurity that is prevalent in some parts of Africa and that good governance is the major antidote to address the issue of insecurity. This study employs content analysis as a source of data collection and engages descriptive research design in its analysis.
实现一个和平与稳定的非洲作为“非洲联盟2063年议程:我们想要的非洲”的目标和愿望之一是可以实现的,但只有在没有不安全和其他威胁人类生存的条件的环境中才能实现。非洲某些地区的不安全挑战已达到可怕的程度,需要多方利益攸关方采取办法加以解决。与此同时,善治已被证明是解决不安全和改善威胁人类生存的条件的有力机制。它是世界上任何一个已经实现或正在实现和平、安全和可持续发展的国家实现和平、安全和可持续发展的重要动力。本研究认为,面对非洲某些地区普遍存在的不安全,一个稳定与和平的非洲是海市蜃楼,而善治是解决不安全问题的主要解药。本研究采用内容分析作为数据收集的来源,并在分析中采用描述性研究设计。
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引用次数: 0
A Critical Review of Agenda 2063: Prospects and Challenges for Africa’s Economic Renaissance 《2063年议程:非洲经济复兴的前景与挑战》
Pub Date : 2022-06-30 DOI: 10.53982/jcird.2022.0301.06-j
R. Opeyeoluwa, Samuel Olalekan Fatokun
The paper examines the place and condition of Africa in the global economic index and the imperative to shift the narrative by way of changing course from the present sordid reality. The dominant absence of development in the continent remains a sore point which contemporary issues in a globalized world have further accentuated by reaffirming the continent as a laggard within the international political system. The study relied on secondary and tertiary sources for data. The study submits that despite the prospects for a more robust and sustainable contribution of the continent to the world economy, it has been unable to compete favourably in the global marketplace or even at the intra-states level within the continent because of the absence of the requisite political will and comprehensive road map to end the cycles of bad governance and economic crisis which has held the continent down for ages. Hence, this study calls on the African leaders to ensure that Agenda 2063 is vigorously implemented and thus making Africa both competitive and not falling into the tepidness which was the lot of previous continental initiatives.
本文考察了非洲在全球经济指数中的地位和状况,以及通过改变目前肮脏现实的方式改变叙事的必要性。非洲大陆主要缺乏发展仍然是一个痛点,全球化世界中的当代问题通过重申非洲大陆是国际政治制度中的落后者而进一步突出了这一痛点。这项研究依靠第二手和第三手的数据来源。该研究认为,尽管非洲大陆对世界经济的贡献有更强劲和可持续的前景,但由于缺乏必要的政治意愿和全面的路线图来结束多年来使非洲大陆陷入困境的不良治理和经济危机的循环,非洲大陆一直无法在全球市场上,甚至在非洲大陆的国家内部进行有利的竞争。因此,本研究呼吁非洲领导人确保《2063年议程》得到大力实施,从而使非洲既具有竞争力,又不会陷入以前许多大陆倡议的不温不火。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Contemporary International Relations and Diplomacy
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