Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1080/17432200.2023.2170114
Micaela Terk
Lina Aschenbrenner germinates manifold questions regarding the study of social power dynamics in different religious institutions, narratives, and frameworks. She opens up space for discourse on the lack of academic tools for navigating sensory implications of different religious contexts on individuals and individual identities. The central question of her text is: “How can scholars elucidate (and criticize) the cultural and social power dynamics in the context of religion as a procedural, animated, and multi-material forces?” Looking through the lens of my own practice in nonverbal learning processes, the mechanisms of the academic feedback loop immediately reveal themselves in the framing of this question. We know that oppression and oppressive behaviors are learned through daily lived experience, interwoven within the webs of social dynamics and political interests. These coded systems of power are, more often than not, exposed to us through interpersonal, nonverbal communication. Such forms of transmission can be tricky to trace or document, precisely due to their visceral nature. Yet, as I will argue in this text, this is exactly why their study is so crucial and interesting. Our bodily encounters with the environment in which we are enmeshed shape our understanding of the world and, as such, the ways power dynamics manifest in both verbal and nonverbal language. As Aschenbrenner unfolds throughout her text, our bodies both create and maintain the structures of power that arise between us. Such transactions of power are firstly nonverbal in nature (what phenomenologists would call pre-reflective), and subsequently grow to manifest in language and action. Examples for such transactions range from the signaling of dominance or submission through eye contact and gestures, to residual changes in one’s scope of movement, such as the freedom with which an arm or a leg is extended or retracted in public or private space. I find that Aschenbrenner’s text points to a gap in understanding that often occurs in practice, which becomes particularly focal when engaging in academic research on power dynamics and cultural spaces, such as religious contexts. This gap can be characterized by a lack of fluency in bridging the researcher’s personal sensations and movement patterns with the systems of power they are either subjected to or create, as they arise within the field of research. This bridging would firstly encompass an acknowledgement of the researcher’s own embodied positionalities and experiences of power when looking for manifestations of power dynamics in the bodies of others. This is a form of understanding which is not only conceptual, but physically present within the body of the researcher. It requires a more serious stance within academic study on the informational value of sensory data and nonverbal communication. Upon such groundwork, a second step would be shaping educational environments that are apt to nurture the researcher’s availabil
{"title":"On Possibilities for Sensory Research","authors":"Micaela Terk","doi":"10.1080/17432200.2023.2170114","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17432200.2023.2170114","url":null,"abstract":"Lina Aschenbrenner germinates manifold questions regarding the study of social power dynamics in different religious institutions, narratives, and frameworks. She opens up space for discourse on the lack of academic tools for navigating sensory implications of different religious contexts on individuals and individual identities. The central question of her text is: “How can scholars elucidate (and criticize) the cultural and social power dynamics in the context of religion as a procedural, animated, and multi-material forces?” Looking through the lens of my own practice in nonverbal learning processes, the mechanisms of the academic feedback loop immediately reveal themselves in the framing of this question. We know that oppression and oppressive behaviors are learned through daily lived experience, interwoven within the webs of social dynamics and political interests. These coded systems of power are, more often than not, exposed to us through interpersonal, nonverbal communication. Such forms of transmission can be tricky to trace or document, precisely due to their visceral nature. Yet, as I will argue in this text, this is exactly why their study is so crucial and interesting. Our bodily encounters with the environment in which we are enmeshed shape our understanding of the world and, as such, the ways power dynamics manifest in both verbal and nonverbal language. As Aschenbrenner unfolds throughout her text, our bodies both create and maintain the structures of power that arise between us. Such transactions of power are firstly nonverbal in nature (what phenomenologists would call pre-reflective), and subsequently grow to manifest in language and action. Examples for such transactions range from the signaling of dominance or submission through eye contact and gestures, to residual changes in one’s scope of movement, such as the freedom with which an arm or a leg is extended or retracted in public or private space. I find that Aschenbrenner’s text points to a gap in understanding that often occurs in practice, which becomes particularly focal when engaging in academic research on power dynamics and cultural spaces, such as religious contexts. This gap can be characterized by a lack of fluency in bridging the researcher’s personal sensations and movement patterns with the systems of power they are either subjected to or create, as they arise within the field of research. This bridging would firstly encompass an acknowledgement of the researcher’s own embodied positionalities and experiences of power when looking for manifestations of power dynamics in the bodies of others. This is a form of understanding which is not only conceptual, but physically present within the body of the researcher. It requires a more serious stance within academic study on the informational value of sensory data and nonverbal communication. Upon such groundwork, a second step would be shaping educational environments that are apt to nurture the researcher’s availabil","PeriodicalId":18273,"journal":{"name":"Material Religion","volume":"19 1","pages":"87 - 88"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42874778","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1080/17432200.2023.2170103
A. Sarkisian
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1080/17432200.2023.2170108
Lina Aschenbrenner
As human beings we are impacted on, limited, and enabled—physically and psychologically, physiologically and neurologically—by the exchange and interaction with our material environment, and the societal discourses and practices, by the knowledge, we are embedded in. We are provided with explicit and implicit (and always embodied) ways to behave, think, and perceive; with ways to live and to frame our existence. We are a part of the power dynamics that define who we are, what we are, how we are, and if we are: For some human beings, society’s power dynamics, such as colonial and imperial, become a question of life and death; of existence or extinction. While every thought and action are the result of our social and cultural embeddedness, our collective and individual ability to resist might lie in identifying the nature of our interrelatedness. The crux is that much of the limiting and enabling happened and continues to happen at the level of the body; the subjectification of human beings occurs subtly. We are affected via our senses in our material totality as human bodies—a fact that, being researchers of material and lived religion, we are aware of, though we sometimes need a reminder that we are created by power dynamics ourselves. Religious institutions, narratives, settings, and practices establish and maintain power dynamics multi-materially on body-level, while they function as multi-material dispositif for embodied power dynamics. In my research, I have focused on the sensory and affective stimulation of individuals in the context of religious and cultural practicing. First, I set out to research the attractiveness and social impact of the neo-spiritual Israeli dance improvisation practice Gaga. Contrary to my expectation, I found that neither were those who participated distinctively able to influence what kind of bodily effect practicing caused with them, nor was it the obvious and explicit practice design which impacted bodies. Participants came with embodied preconditions due to their individual and collective background which defined their ability to perceive and to conceptualize the perceived. I found embodied simulation the most important ritual component in terms of a perceived ritual effect: practitioners unconsciously and implicitly bodily simulated movements and emotional states of others present in the practice space, who, to them, owned agency; along verbally instructed movement and metaphors they audio perceived. These observations gained further importance in the postcolonial research setting of global Hawaiian hula practice. Here, Native Hawaiian kumu hula, hula teachers, have started their teaching of non-Native Hawaiian hula students worldwide to amplify the audience and significance of Hawaiian cultural knowledge (see Figure 1) and, more, to underline a claim for Hawaiian sovereignty. Regardless of this explicit attempt of the Hawaiian kumu hula shared by many of their foreign students, the embodied effect and the expe
{"title":"Introduction: on Material and Embodied Power Dynamics and Religion","authors":"Lina Aschenbrenner","doi":"10.1080/17432200.2023.2170108","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17432200.2023.2170108","url":null,"abstract":"As human beings we are impacted on, limited, and enabled—physically and psychologically, physiologically and neurologically—by the exchange and interaction with our material environment, and the societal discourses and practices, by the knowledge, we are embedded in. We are provided with explicit and implicit (and always embodied) ways to behave, think, and perceive; with ways to live and to frame our existence. We are a part of the power dynamics that define who we are, what we are, how we are, and if we are: For some human beings, society’s power dynamics, such as colonial and imperial, become a question of life and death; of existence or extinction. While every thought and action are the result of our social and cultural embeddedness, our collective and individual ability to resist might lie in identifying the nature of our interrelatedness. The crux is that much of the limiting and enabling happened and continues to happen at the level of the body; the subjectification of human beings occurs subtly. We are affected via our senses in our material totality as human bodies—a fact that, being researchers of material and lived religion, we are aware of, though we sometimes need a reminder that we are created by power dynamics ourselves. Religious institutions, narratives, settings, and practices establish and maintain power dynamics multi-materially on body-level, while they function as multi-material dispositif for embodied power dynamics. In my research, I have focused on the sensory and affective stimulation of individuals in the context of religious and cultural practicing. First, I set out to research the attractiveness and social impact of the neo-spiritual Israeli dance improvisation practice Gaga. Contrary to my expectation, I found that neither were those who participated distinctively able to influence what kind of bodily effect practicing caused with them, nor was it the obvious and explicit practice design which impacted bodies. Participants came with embodied preconditions due to their individual and collective background which defined their ability to perceive and to conceptualize the perceived. I found embodied simulation the most important ritual component in terms of a perceived ritual effect: practitioners unconsciously and implicitly bodily simulated movements and emotional states of others present in the practice space, who, to them, owned agency; along verbally instructed movement and metaphors they audio perceived. These observations gained further importance in the postcolonial research setting of global Hawaiian hula practice. Here, Native Hawaiian kumu hula, hula teachers, have started their teaching of non-Native Hawaiian hula students worldwide to amplify the audience and significance of Hawaiian cultural knowledge (see Figure 1) and, more, to underline a claim for Hawaiian sovereignty. Regardless of this explicit attempt of the Hawaiian kumu hula shared by many of their foreign students, the embodied effect and the expe","PeriodicalId":18273,"journal":{"name":"Material Religion","volume":"19 1","pages":"80 - 81"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42703470","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1080/17432200.2023.2170112
Gerrit Lange
Concepts such as power, affect, intensity, and attention tend to be depicted as “flowing,” “channeled,” or “evoked.” Schaefer, in his response, speaks of materialized, embodied affects as “singeing,” “electrifying,” “amplifying,” “enfolding” and “surging,” and has written extensively about the “currents of illocutionary force” (Schaefer 2022, 62), or the “embodied flows of religious attention” (Schaefer 2015, 90). This metaphor use is surprisingly close to what local informants in the Indian Himalaya told me about the power (śakti) of their goddess, its “outburst” (prakop) and its “heat.” Can I, thus, treat academics as “informants” in the same sense as local storytellers and ritual specialists? It seems that Conceptual Metaphor Theory has a point in assuming that the metaphors we depend on to speak about feelings are as much based on near-universal bodily experience as on cultural construction: People speaking unrelated languages can still understand, for instance, anger as a hot or pressurized “fluid in a container” (Kövecses 2000, 139–81). Metaphor theory is, therefore, useful to understand how religious aesthetics and dramaturgies work to govern human bodies, senses, and emotions (see Grieser and Johnston 2017, 2; Mohr 2020). In my research on the Himalayan Hindu Goddess Nain. ī Devī, I study the feelings arising in the course of her ritual journey. From 2016 to 2017, a group of devotees (bhaktjan) carried her around from village to village, for half a year. During this time, she was embodied in a bamboo pole (see Figure 1) to visit her human “sisters”—the dhyān. īs, women who had married into other villages, and their offspring. Their relation to their goddess is intensified by the general situation of women who have to find their place in a new family—a situation which they also attribute to the goddess. This made me focus my research on the feelings ascribed to the goddess herself—or rather, what local people feel her to feel. I pursued this question by asking people what they felt and what they suppose the goddess to feel, why I also tried to “capture” some more unspoken aspects of the emotional interactions with the goddess by means of filming and editing. Both methods, to be sure, do not convey what people “really feel,” but may “grasp” feelings as enacted, embodied practices (see Scheer 2012). In the rituals I took part in, drumming, mantra recitals, burning of incense and other stimuli appealed to nonhuman senses, inviting deities and ghosts to possess human bodies. Of course, human bodies and feelings were also stimulated on the way. The dramaturgy of these rituals works to animate and activate human, social, and nonhuman forces, but is itself channeled by power relations: only men may walk alongside her and only those upholding strict celibacy and a fast may touch her bamboo body. Only Brahmans have the power to control the Goddesses’ movements with their mantras and songs. On the other hand, only “low-caste” drummers have the power
{"title":"Divine Śakti and Human Power Relations: Studying the Embodied and Enacted Feelings of a Himalayan Hindu Goddess","authors":"Gerrit Lange","doi":"10.1080/17432200.2023.2170112","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17432200.2023.2170112","url":null,"abstract":"Concepts such as power, affect, intensity, and attention tend to be depicted as “flowing,” “channeled,” or “evoked.” Schaefer, in his response, speaks of materialized, embodied affects as “singeing,” “electrifying,” “amplifying,” “enfolding” and “surging,” and has written extensively about the “currents of illocutionary force” (Schaefer 2022, 62), or the “embodied flows of religious attention” (Schaefer 2015, 90). This metaphor use is surprisingly close to what local informants in the Indian Himalaya told me about the power (śakti) of their goddess, its “outburst” (prakop) and its “heat.” Can I, thus, treat academics as “informants” in the same sense as local storytellers and ritual specialists? It seems that Conceptual Metaphor Theory has a point in assuming that the metaphors we depend on to speak about feelings are as much based on near-universal bodily experience as on cultural construction: People speaking unrelated languages can still understand, for instance, anger as a hot or pressurized “fluid in a container” (Kövecses 2000, 139–81). Metaphor theory is, therefore, useful to understand how religious aesthetics and dramaturgies work to govern human bodies, senses, and emotions (see Grieser and Johnston 2017, 2; Mohr 2020). In my research on the Himalayan Hindu Goddess Nain. ī Devī, I study the feelings arising in the course of her ritual journey. From 2016 to 2017, a group of devotees (bhaktjan) carried her around from village to village, for half a year. During this time, she was embodied in a bamboo pole (see Figure 1) to visit her human “sisters”—the dhyān. īs, women who had married into other villages, and their offspring. Their relation to their goddess is intensified by the general situation of women who have to find their place in a new family—a situation which they also attribute to the goddess. This made me focus my research on the feelings ascribed to the goddess herself—or rather, what local people feel her to feel. I pursued this question by asking people what they felt and what they suppose the goddess to feel, why I also tried to “capture” some more unspoken aspects of the emotional interactions with the goddess by means of filming and editing. Both methods, to be sure, do not convey what people “really feel,” but may “grasp” feelings as enacted, embodied practices (see Scheer 2012). In the rituals I took part in, drumming, mantra recitals, burning of incense and other stimuli appealed to nonhuman senses, inviting deities and ghosts to possess human bodies. Of course, human bodies and feelings were also stimulated on the way. The dramaturgy of these rituals works to animate and activate human, social, and nonhuman forces, but is itself channeled by power relations: only men may walk alongside her and only those upholding strict celibacy and a fast may touch her bamboo body. Only Brahmans have the power to control the Goddesses’ movements with their mantras and songs. On the other hand, only “low-caste” drummers have the power","PeriodicalId":18273,"journal":{"name":"Material Religion","volume":"19 1","pages":"85 - 86"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48419479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1080/17432200.2022.2134687
K. Jacobs
Abstract Father Damien was a Roman Catholic missionary who lived in Hawai‘i amongst people with leprosy, currently known as Hansen’s disease. He eventually contracted the disease himself and, after his death in 1889, was transformed into the martyred icon (later saint) of Moloka‘i. This paper explores the role of a museum in remembering a missionary saint by focusing on the Damien Museum in Tremelo, Belgium. It does so by focusing on the role of material objects as an essential element of religious devotion.
{"title":"On the journey to sainthood: Father Damien and the presentation of missionary work in nineteenth-century Hawai’i in a Belgian museum","authors":"K. Jacobs","doi":"10.1080/17432200.2022.2134687","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17432200.2022.2134687","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Father Damien was a Roman Catholic missionary who lived in Hawai‘i amongst people with leprosy, currently known as Hansen’s disease. He eventually contracted the disease himself and, after his death in 1889, was transformed into the martyred icon (later saint) of Moloka‘i. This paper explores the role of a museum in remembering a missionary saint by focusing on the Damien Museum in Tremelo, Belgium. It does so by focusing on the role of material objects as an essential element of religious devotion.","PeriodicalId":18273,"journal":{"name":"Material Religion","volume":"19 1","pages":"1 - 33"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49280954","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1080/17432200.2023.2170104
Patricia Sauthoff
family photographs into hidden nooks of ancestral homes. Others assemble stones and personal objects. One pilgrim is welcomed into his father’s childhood house, where he and its current Turkish resident, whose family had welcomed the man’s father and sister on prior pilgrimages, together plant a walnut tree. Bertram’s ethnography is nuanced and sensitive to the inherited traumas that linger over each of her interlocutors. Yet at times, awkward attempts to shoehorn their experiences into theoretical frameworks—for instance, a repeated invocation of Mircea Eliade’s juxtaposition of the sacred and the profane—do not always serve her argument well. In one section, Bertram describes at length an interlocutor who states that by bringing family photographs to her “ancestral house-world,” she has carried her family members home (102-111). Bertram abruptly dismisses this interpretation, however, employing theoretical scholarship on the medium of photography to reframe, and even minimize the power of the pilgrim’s experience. Bertram argues instead that in this context, “the photographs actually lose their possibilities of being surrogates for the people they represent” (107). If an interlocutor believes their photographs to be surrogates, however, especially to mitigate inherited traumas of genocide, why should Bertram devalue that personal meaning-making? What makes Bertram’s book so powerful, however, is its ethnographic documentation of a fleeting and important phenomenon for diasporan Armenians. Armen Aroyan no longer leads pilgrimages into Turkey. At the time of his retirement in 2018, the power of his trips had diminished, as had the freedom to safely undertake them. The last generation of survivors living in the Diaspora had passed, and that of their children was fading. In Turkey, the few, scattered “Hidden Armenians” who spent their twilight years meeting with Aroyan’s pilgrims were gone. And while some of their descendants seemed willing to broach the subject of their obscured Armenian ancestries, and a precious few were eager to embrace it, more had bowed to changing political realities within Turkey which challenged the freedom and well-being of ethnic and religious minorities. Published at a time when the power and meaning of such pilgrimages has changed, A House in the Homeland speaks to a pressing concern for many Armenians: How to sustain memory of an event that is difficult to trace on its landscape, and which is officially denied by its perpetrator. Bertram has shown that the gap between historical fact and material evidence can be spanned by memorialization and pilgrimage, by witness and dialogue, and for her interlocutors, by keeping their ancestors alive through their family memory-stories.
{"title":"Making a Mantra: Tantric Ritual and Renunciation on the Jain Path to Liberation","authors":"Patricia Sauthoff","doi":"10.1080/17432200.2023.2170104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17432200.2023.2170104","url":null,"abstract":"family photographs into hidden nooks of ancestral homes. Others assemble stones and personal objects. One pilgrim is welcomed into his father’s childhood house, where he and its current Turkish resident, whose family had welcomed the man’s father and sister on prior pilgrimages, together plant a walnut tree. Bertram’s ethnography is nuanced and sensitive to the inherited traumas that linger over each of her interlocutors. Yet at times, awkward attempts to shoehorn their experiences into theoretical frameworks—for instance, a repeated invocation of Mircea Eliade’s juxtaposition of the sacred and the profane—do not always serve her argument well. In one section, Bertram describes at length an interlocutor who states that by bringing family photographs to her “ancestral house-world,” she has carried her family members home (102-111). Bertram abruptly dismisses this interpretation, however, employing theoretical scholarship on the medium of photography to reframe, and even minimize the power of the pilgrim’s experience. Bertram argues instead that in this context, “the photographs actually lose their possibilities of being surrogates for the people they represent” (107). If an interlocutor believes their photographs to be surrogates, however, especially to mitigate inherited traumas of genocide, why should Bertram devalue that personal meaning-making? What makes Bertram’s book so powerful, however, is its ethnographic documentation of a fleeting and important phenomenon for diasporan Armenians. Armen Aroyan no longer leads pilgrimages into Turkey. At the time of his retirement in 2018, the power of his trips had diminished, as had the freedom to safely undertake them. The last generation of survivors living in the Diaspora had passed, and that of their children was fading. In Turkey, the few, scattered “Hidden Armenians” who spent their twilight years meeting with Aroyan’s pilgrims were gone. And while some of their descendants seemed willing to broach the subject of their obscured Armenian ancestries, and a precious few were eager to embrace it, more had bowed to changing political realities within Turkey which challenged the freedom and well-being of ethnic and religious minorities. Published at a time when the power and meaning of such pilgrimages has changed, A House in the Homeland speaks to a pressing concern for many Armenians: How to sustain memory of an event that is difficult to trace on its landscape, and which is officially denied by its perpetrator. Bertram has shown that the gap between historical fact and material evidence can be spanned by memorialization and pilgrimage, by witness and dialogue, and for her interlocutors, by keeping their ancestors alive through their family memory-stories.","PeriodicalId":18273,"journal":{"name":"Material Religion","volume":"19 1","pages":"96 - 97"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43436613","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-18DOI: 10.1080/17432200.2022.2132068
A. Mänd
Abstract In recent decades, increasing scholarly attention has been paid to the economic and social connections between medieval Finland and Estonia, including the migration from south coast Finland to the Hanse town of Tallinn. However, the ways geographical closeness, family relations and trade networks influenced the practices of donating and commissioning religious objects have not merited much attention. The first part of this study, based on archival sources, explores instances where Finnish churches acquired artworks from Tallinn and Tallinn town-dwellers donated devotional objects to Finnish churches. The second part is a case study of a Tallinn bell founder, Tile Klotbrade, who in 1515 was commissioned to cast bells for Turku Cathedral. The paper argues that Tallinn was an important center for the production of religious objects that ultimately ended up in Finland.
{"title":"Estonian-Finnish Art Connections in the Middle Ages and the Bells of Turku Cathedral","authors":"A. Mänd","doi":"10.1080/17432200.2022.2132068","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17432200.2022.2132068","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In recent decades, increasing scholarly attention has been paid to the economic and social connections between medieval Finland and Estonia, including the migration from south coast Finland to the Hanse town of Tallinn. However, the ways geographical closeness, family relations and trade networks influenced the practices of donating and commissioning religious objects have not merited much attention. The first part of this study, based on archival sources, explores instances where Finnish churches acquired artworks from Tallinn and Tallinn town-dwellers donated devotional objects to Finnish churches. The second part is a case study of a Tallinn bell founder, Tile Klotbrade, who in 1515 was commissioned to cast bells for Turku Cathedral. The paper argues that Tallinn was an important center for the production of religious objects that ultimately ended up in Finland.","PeriodicalId":18273,"journal":{"name":"Material Religion","volume":"18 1","pages":"548 - 563"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46470585","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-18DOI: 10.1080/17432200.2022.2132067
Sofia Lahti
Abstract Reliquaries were among the most highly valued items in the medieval churches, and cathedrals accumulated hundreds of them. Their shapes and materials, the relics contained within, and other essential details were registered in lists written by cathedral treasurers. In the Nordic countries, most medieval reliquaries as well as written documents concerning them have disappeared. However, a few inventories with relics and reliquaries from Nordic cathedrals are preserved. This essay examines how the material dimensions of reliquaries were put into words in those lists and what the chosen words reveal about the way these objects were perceived by their keepers and audiences.
{"title":"Inventoried Sacred: Reliquaries in Nordic Church Treasuries","authors":"Sofia Lahti","doi":"10.1080/17432200.2022.2132067","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17432200.2022.2132067","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Reliquaries were among the most highly valued items in the medieval churches, and cathedrals accumulated hundreds of them. Their shapes and materials, the relics contained within, and other essential details were registered in lists written by cathedral treasurers. In the Nordic countries, most medieval reliquaries as well as written documents concerning them have disappeared. However, a few inventories with relics and reliquaries from Nordic cathedrals are preserved. This essay examines how the material dimensions of reliquaries were put into words in those lists and what the chosen words reveal about the way these objects were perceived by their keepers and audiences.","PeriodicalId":18273,"journal":{"name":"Material Religion","volume":"18 1","pages":"512 - 531"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49580093","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-17DOI: 10.1080/17432200.2022.2132071
Reima Välimäki, K. Salonen
Abstract The article discusses indulgences as an instrument that provided the spiritual treasury of the Church with a material manifestation. We propose that indulgences reflected the Divine within the material world in four different ways: 1) by promoting particular locations as sources of divine grace; 2) by promoting the cult of saints and their relics; 3) by generating donations for the construction and renovation of churches, and 4) by being in themselves – as indulgence letters and their copies preserved in chartularies – material evidence of the Church’s spiritual treasury. Therefore, indulgences must be taken into account in scholarly discussion of Christian materiality. We explore the four material aspects of indulgences through the evidence from Turku Cathedral from the mid-thirteenth century to the end of the fifteenth century.
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