{"title":"Unmet Needs: Reproductive Health Needs, Sex Work and Sex Workers","authors":"G. Gangoli","doi":"10.2307/3518003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3518003","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":185982,"journal":{"name":"Social Scientist","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2002-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125493555","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Notes on Marx's Critique of Classical Political Economy","authors":"P. Patnaik","doi":"10.2307/3518076","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3518076","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":185982,"journal":{"name":"Social Scientist","volume":"103 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2002-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133102569","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is a great honour and privilege for me to deliver the Eleventh Daniel Thorner Memorial Lecture. Since my first introduction to economics as an undergraduate, the writings of Daniel Thorner have been a source of insight and inspiration as has been his life-long vision of progressive democratic social change. At the very outset, I would like to state that I have chosen to focus on the distribution aspects of food security in the lecture, and as result, certain very important and relevant issues relating to the new world trade order and its implications for food security are overlooked. I will make my presentation in the form of 12 propositions on food security. I want to begin by affirming that the provision of secure access to food still remains a relevant and critical issue for public policy in India. The Rome Declaration on World Food Security defines access to food as "physical and economic access, at all times, to sufficient, safe and nutritious food (for people) to meet their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life". In other words, food security requires access to adequate quantity and satisfactory quality of food. As a country, we have failed miserably in ensuring access to food to all our people. Let me give a few illustrations of the scale of chronic hunger and nutritional deprivation in India. According to the latest National Family Health Survey, conducted in 1998-99, at the all India level:
{"title":"Excluding the Needy: The Public Provisioning of Food in India* *","authors":"Madhura Swaminathan","doi":"10.2307/3518075","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3518075","url":null,"abstract":"It is a great honour and privilege for me to deliver the Eleventh Daniel Thorner Memorial Lecture. Since my first introduction to economics as an undergraduate, the writings of Daniel Thorner have been a source of insight and inspiration as has been his life-long vision of progressive democratic social change. At the very outset, I would like to state that I have chosen to focus on the distribution aspects of food security in the lecture, and as result, certain very important and relevant issues relating to the new world trade order and its implications for food security are overlooked. I will make my presentation in the form of 12 propositions on food security. I want to begin by affirming that the provision of secure access to food still remains a relevant and critical issue for public policy in India. The Rome Declaration on World Food Security defines access to food as \"physical and economic access, at all times, to sufficient, safe and nutritious food (for people) to meet their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life\". In other words, food security requires access to adequate quantity and satisfactory quality of food. As a country, we have failed miserably in ensuring access to food to all our people. Let me give a few illustrations of the scale of chronic hunger and nutritional deprivation in India. According to the latest National Family Health Survey, conducted in 1998-99, at the all India level:","PeriodicalId":185982,"journal":{"name":"Social Scientist","volume":"47 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2002-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130204822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A Narrative of Restoration: Gandhi's Last Years and Nehruvian Secularism","authors":"K. Sangari","doi":"10.2307/3518074","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3518074","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":185982,"journal":{"name":"Social Scientist","volume":"10 4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2002-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129977893","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Religion and State in India and Search for Rationality","authors":"S. Chandra","doi":"10.2307/3518078","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3518078","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":185982,"journal":{"name":"Social Scientist","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2002-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128030433","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the contemporary discourse on development in international agencies, notably the World Bank, there is a good deal of emphasis upon the virtues of 'participation', sometimes taken as implying also 'empowerment', and upon 'decentralisation', which is seen either as the key means of realising participation or sometimes as being more or less equivalent to it. These three buzz-words are used in close alliance with two others: 'civil society', and 'social capital'. The first of these is taken to mean that sphere of organised social life (though excluding political organisations, especially political parties) which lies outside the state on the one hand, and ascriptive forms of social organisation such as the family and kinship groups on the other (though some definitions of 'civil society' would have it as including these forms of human association as well). The second, social capital, refers to 'social networks, norms and trust' which are conducive to the creation of a 'vibrant' or 'robust' civil society because they facilitate the solving of problems of collective action; but the idea is commonly equated, in the international development agencies, with 'voluntary local association'. Indeed, in one World Bank paper it is argued that social capital, in this specific sense, constitutes 'the missing link in development'. The basic idea is that it is through 'participation' in 'voluntary local associations' people are 'empowered', in 'civil society'. A vibrant civil society, which implies the presence of a strong sense of civic and community responsibility amongst people, acts both as a vital check upon the activities and the agencies of the state, and as a kind of a conduit between the people and the government. A strong civil society
{"title":"Public Action and the Dialectics of Decentralisation: Against the Myth of Social Capital as 'the Missing Link in Development'","authors":"J. Harriss","doi":"10.2307/3518225","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3518225","url":null,"abstract":"In the contemporary discourse on development in international agencies, notably the World Bank, there is a good deal of emphasis upon the virtues of 'participation', sometimes taken as implying also 'empowerment', and upon 'decentralisation', which is seen either as the key means of realising participation or sometimes as being more or less equivalent to it. These three buzz-words are used in close alliance with two others: 'civil society', and 'social capital'. The first of these is taken to mean that sphere of organised social life (though excluding political organisations, especially political parties) which lies outside the state on the one hand, and ascriptive forms of social organisation such as the family and kinship groups on the other (though some definitions of 'civil society' would have it as including these forms of human association as well). The second, social capital, refers to 'social networks, norms and trust' which are conducive to the creation of a 'vibrant' or 'robust' civil society because they facilitate the solving of problems of collective action; but the idea is commonly equated, in the international development agencies, with 'voluntary local association'. Indeed, in one World Bank paper it is argued that social capital, in this specific sense, constitutes 'the missing link in development'. The basic idea is that it is through 'participation' in 'voluntary local associations' people are 'empowered', in 'civil society'. A vibrant civil society, which implies the presence of a strong sense of civic and community responsibility amongst people, acts both as a vital check upon the activities and the agencies of the state, and as a kind of a conduit between the people and the government. A strong civil society","PeriodicalId":185982,"journal":{"name":"Social Scientist","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2001-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115901685","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Development studies and practice have recently undergone a transition that has yielded an unprecedented emphasis on local civil society (Mohan & Stokke, 2000). There is now a high level of agreement regarding the importance of popular participation for social change and empowerment. Behind the apparent consensus on the importance of local civil society in development, there are quite divergent views on the characteristics and functions of civil society. Two main strands of development thinking and intervention can be identified as particularly relevant in this regard. These can be described as revisionist neo-liberalism and post-Marxism. Revisionist neoliberalism sees institutions and actors in civil society as partners for enabling state institutions. Popular participation is seen as a means for making development interventions more cost-effective and efficient and also as a step towards privatisation of state services. PostMarxism, which may be seen as the. main counter-hegemonic position in contemporary development debates, sees civil society as a challenge to the hegemony of global economic liberalism and its associated political institutions. Social movements in civil society hold the potential for bringing about autocentric and socially relevant development in opposition to both the state and the market. Both agree that civil society has a crucial role to play as an alternative to exploitative, parasitic and inefficient states. This article seeks to address two main questions regarding the role of civil society: (1) What are the theoretical roots and main characteristics of these different views on civil society, and (2) What are the shortcomings of these perspectives? It will be argued that development theory has moved away from a polarised debate over
{"title":"The Convergence Around Local Civil Society and the Dangers of Localism","authors":"K. Stokke, G. Mohan","doi":"10.2307/3518224","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3518224","url":null,"abstract":"Development studies and practice have recently undergone a transition that has yielded an unprecedented emphasis on local civil society (Mohan & Stokke, 2000). There is now a high level of agreement regarding the importance of popular participation for social change and empowerment. Behind the apparent consensus on the importance of local civil society in development, there are quite divergent views on the characteristics and functions of civil society. Two main strands of development thinking and intervention can be identified as particularly relevant in this regard. These can be described as revisionist neo-liberalism and post-Marxism. Revisionist neoliberalism sees institutions and actors in civil society as partners for enabling state institutions. Popular participation is seen as a means for making development interventions more cost-effective and efficient and also as a step towards privatisation of state services. PostMarxism, which may be seen as the. main counter-hegemonic position in contemporary development debates, sees civil society as a challenge to the hegemony of global economic liberalism and its associated political institutions. Social movements in civil society hold the potential for bringing about autocentric and socially relevant development in opposition to both the state and the market. Both agree that civil society has a crucial role to play as an alternative to exploitative, parasitic and inefficient states. This article seeks to address two main questions regarding the role of civil society: (1) What are the theoretical roots and main characteristics of these different views on civil society, and (2) What are the shortcomings of these perspectives? It will be argued that development theory has moved away from a polarised debate over","PeriodicalId":185982,"journal":{"name":"Social Scientist","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2001-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124283098","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
What is the significance of the new popular efforts in Kerala at development hrough democratisation from below? This is an attempt to carve out some of the conclusions on the basis of a not yet summarised programme during the 90s on popular movements, development and democracy based on repeated case studies in the very different contexts of Kerala, Indonesia and the Philippines. In the first part of the essay, I begin by by relating Kerala to the mainstream discourse on development and democracy. Next I suggest some alternative propositions, discuss their fate in the context of Kerala and relate this to the general problems of popular efforts at democratisation, including in as contrasting cases as Indonesia and the Philippines. Hence it is possible to identify how and why the Kerala activists have pioneered vital attempts at solving common problems, but yet have some way to go. The second and main part of the essay, then, is to substantiate these conclusions. After some critical notes on the mainstream studies of third world democratisation, I suggest that we need to focus instead on problems of substantial democratisation and propose an analytical framework for this. By applying the framework to the concrete cases of Indonesia and Kerala, I summarise, finally, the analytical and empirical basis for the conclusions in part one.
{"title":"Movement, Politics and Development: The case of Kerala","authors":"Olle Törnquist","doi":"10.2307/3518227","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3518227","url":null,"abstract":"What is the significance of the new popular efforts in Kerala at development hrough democratisation from below? This is an attempt to carve out some of the conclusions on the basis of a not yet summarised programme during the 90s on popular movements, development and democracy based on repeated case studies in the very different contexts of Kerala, Indonesia and the Philippines. In the first part of the essay, I begin by by relating Kerala to the mainstream discourse on development and democracy. Next I suggest some alternative propositions, discuss their fate in the context of Kerala and relate this to the general problems of popular efforts at democratisation, including in as contrasting cases as Indonesia and the Philippines. Hence it is possible to identify how and why the Kerala activists have pioneered vital attempts at solving common problems, but yet have some way to go. The second and main part of the essay, then, is to substantiate these conclusions. After some critical notes on the mainstream studies of third world democratisation, I suggest that we need to focus instead on problems of substantial democratisation and propose an analytical framework for this. By applying the framework to the concrete cases of Indonesia and Kerala, I summarise, finally, the analytical and empirical basis for the conclusions in part one.","PeriodicalId":185982,"journal":{"name":"Social Scientist","volume":"75 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2001-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115074155","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Emancipation of Women","authors":"Indu Agnihotri, E. Rule","doi":"10.2307/3518228","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3518228","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":185982,"journal":{"name":"Social Scientist","volume":"62 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2001-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124656986","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
To adherents of the classical role and nature of planning in economic systems, decentralised planning would appear a contradiction in terms. The orthodox literature on planning had at its core a process of centralised investment decision-making, which had as its corollary central access to and allocation of the surpluses available in the system. On the other hand, if decentralisation is to be meaningful, resources need to be devolved to lower levels of decision making, which must have the right to allocate resources based on local priorities. The intent of this essay is to examine and challenge this apparent contradiction between the orthodox planning principle and decentralisation as is being adopted in contexts like Kerala. The search for a more humane alternative to capitalism, which even when 'successful' in terms of the growth in output in some parts of the world, is characterised by national and international inequality, unemployment, poverty and environmental degradation, is as old as the system itself. Socialism, in theory and in its actually existing form, provided an alternative with a grand design: that of replacing private property and the market mechanism, which were seen as underlying capitalist failure, with social ownership and centralised planning. The subversion of "actually existing socialism" in the erstwhile Soviet Union and Eastern Europe and its radical transformation in the direction of a more 'market-driven' system elsewhere in the world, has encouraged a critical appraisal of the functioning of the erstwhile centrally planned systems. The aim of that appraisal would be to combine the advances the centrally planned economies (CPEs) had made in overcoming the anarchy of capitalism and ensuring the provision of basic needs to all at an early stage of development, with
{"title":"Democratic Decentralisation and the Planning Principle: The Transition from Below","authors":"C. Chandrasekhar","doi":"10.2307/3518226","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3518226","url":null,"abstract":"To adherents of the classical role and nature of planning in economic systems, decentralised planning would appear a contradiction in terms. The orthodox literature on planning had at its core a process of centralised investment decision-making, which had as its corollary central access to and allocation of the surpluses available in the system. On the other hand, if decentralisation is to be meaningful, resources need to be devolved to lower levels of decision making, which must have the right to allocate resources based on local priorities. The intent of this essay is to examine and challenge this apparent contradiction between the orthodox planning principle and decentralisation as is being adopted in contexts like Kerala. The search for a more humane alternative to capitalism, which even when 'successful' in terms of the growth in output in some parts of the world, is characterised by national and international inequality, unemployment, poverty and environmental degradation, is as old as the system itself. Socialism, in theory and in its actually existing form, provided an alternative with a grand design: that of replacing private property and the market mechanism, which were seen as underlying capitalist failure, with social ownership and centralised planning. The subversion of \"actually existing socialism\" in the erstwhile Soviet Union and Eastern Europe and its radical transformation in the direction of a more 'market-driven' system elsewhere in the world, has encouraged a critical appraisal of the functioning of the erstwhile centrally planned systems. The aim of that appraisal would be to combine the advances the centrally planned economies (CPEs) had made in overcoming the anarchy of capitalism and ensuring the provision of basic needs to all at an early stage of development, with","PeriodicalId":185982,"journal":{"name":"Social Scientist","volume":"86 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2001-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130730250","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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