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Campaign for Democratic Decentralisation in Kerala 喀拉拉邦民主分权运动
Pub Date : 2001-09-01 DOI: 10.2307/3517982
T. Isaac
Democratic decentralisation is the process of devolving the functions and resources of the state from the centre to the elected representatives at the lower levels so as to facilitate greater direct participation by the citizens in governance. The basic principle governing the devolution of functions and resources should be that of subsidiarity: what can be done best at a particular level should be done at that level and not at higher levels. All that can optimally done at the lowest level should be reserved to that level. Only the residual should be passed to the higher levels. The different tiers while functioning in ways complementary to each other, should have functional, financial and administrative autonomy. The concept of democratic decentralisation proposed here also requires a movement beyond representative democracy. Appropriate institutions and opportunities but also necessary capabilities have to be created at the lower levels in order for ordinary citizens to participate in the decision making, implementation, monitoring and sharing of the benefits and responsibilities of governmental activities. Such popular participation would make the elected representatives continuously accountable to the citizens and would facilitate a transparent administration. The description just presented closely corresponds with the principles of decentralisation enunciated by the Committee on Decentralisation of Power (popularly known as Sen Committee, after its late chairperson Dr. Satyabrata Sen) appointed by the Government of Kerala: autonomy, 2 subsidiarity, role clarity, complementarity, uniformity, people's participation, accountability and transparency. The legislative and administrative changes that are being introduced in the state to empower the local self-governments have been guided by these principles. The legislation is being backed up by a powerful Campaign to mobilise the people for democratic decentralisation. Fundamental reforms cannot be merely legislated. Legislation remains empty phrases unless powerful movements oversee their implementation. Legislation is necessary but not sufficient for decentralisation. Kerala's success in land reform reinforces our argument. The laws were successfully implemented because they were backed by a powerful peasant movement. This political conviction has given rise to a fascinating and unique experiment in social mobilisation for decentralisation. What are the salient features of Kerala's decentralisation programme that makes it unique? In Section II we shall present a fairly detailed discussion of the campaign designed to promote maximum participation, transparency and scientific objectivity in plan formulation and implementation. The effectiveness of these mechanisms in achieving the objectives of democratic decentralisation are critically evaluated in Section III. In the present …
民主权力下放是将国家的职能和资源从中央下放给较低层次的民选代表,以促进公民更多地直接参与治理的过程。职能和资源下放的基本原则应该是辅助性原则:在某一级别能做得最好的事情应该在该级别做,而不是在更高级别做。所有可以在最低级别做的事情都应该保留到最低级别。只有残差应该传递到更高的级别。不同的层次虽然以相互补充的方式运作,但应具有职能、财政和行政自主权。这里提出的民主权力下放的概念也需要一场超越代议制民主的运动。必须在较低级别建立适当的机构和机会,但也必须建立必要的能力,以便普通公民参与决策、执行、监测和分享政府活动的利益和责任。这种民众参与将使当选的代表继续对公民负责,并将促进透明的行政。刚才提出的说明与喀拉拉邦政府任命的权力下放委员会(通常称为森委员会,以其已故主席萨蒂亚布拉塔·森博士的名字命名)所阐述的权力下放原则密切相符:自治、辅助性、明确作用、互补、统一、人民参与、问责制和透明度。在这些原则的指导下,该州为赋予地方自治政府权力而进行的立法和行政改革。这项立法得到了一场动员人民争取民主权力下放的强大运动的支持。根本的改革不能仅仅靠立法。除非有强有力的行动监督立法的实施,否则立法仍是空话。立法对权力下放是必要的,但还不够。喀拉拉邦土地改革的成功强化了我们的观点。这些法律之所以得以成功实施,是因为它们得到了强大的农民运动的支持。这种政治信念引发了一场引人入胜的独特实验,即通过社会动员来实现权力下放。喀拉拉邦的分权计划有哪些显著特点使其与众不同?在第二节中,我们将相当详细地讨论旨在促进计划制定和执行方面的最大参与、透明度和科学客观性的运动。第三节严格评价了这些机制在实现民主权力下放目标方面的有效性。在现在……
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引用次数: 22
When A Coalition of Conflicting Interests Decentralises: A Theoretical Critique of Decentralisation Politics in Kerala 当利益冲突联盟去中心化:喀拉拉邦分权政治的理论批判
Pub Date : 2001-09-01 DOI: 10.2307/3517984
Rajan Gurukkal
The paper seeks to make a theoretical critique of the ongoing politics of democratic decentralisation in Kerala by problematising why it largely remains a constitutional reform of development administration stabilising the status quo rather than leading to alternate institutional development, rise of people-centred politics and the entailing empowerment oriented praxis triggering struggles over access to, and distribution of critical resources, and initiating structural changes in the local power relations ? It is not altogether unexpected, for anything basically different could not have happened theoretically under the contemporary socio-economic processes and power relations. Nevertheless, what is theoretically unfeasible are to be politically confronted with adequate preparations of mass mobilisation. How do we explain the lack of political will in the society for doing it ? The paper first examines the historically contingent context of expectations about the positive results of democratic decentralisation in Kerala. It then moves on to the contemporary socio-economic scenario for explaining the so-called unexpected plight of the decentralisation politics in the state. Identifying the inadequacy of the people's knowledge about the concepts of decentralisation as one of the major impediments of political development, the paper highlights the debating perspectives to show what the people should have been enabled to learn. The paper argues that lack of knowledge made popular consciousness eclectic and depoliticised. Reviewing the state's experience of the politics of decentralised planning, the paper is concluded with the argument that nothing more can be
本文试图通过提出问题,对喀拉拉邦正在进行的民主权力下放政治进行理论批评,为什么它在很大程度上仍然是一种发展管理的宪法改革,以稳定现状,而不是导致替代性的制度发展,以人为本的政治的兴起,以及由此引发的以赋权为导向的实践,在获取和分配关键资源方面引发斗争。并引发地方权力关系的结构性变化?这并非完全出乎意料,因为在当代社会经济进程和权力关系下,理论上不可能发生任何根本不同的事情。然而,在理论上不可行的是在政治上面对群众动员的充分准备。我们如何解释社会上缺乏这样做的政治意愿?本文首先考察了喀拉拉邦民主权力下放积极成果的历史偶然背景。然后,它转向当代社会经济情景,以解释所谓的国家分权政治的意外困境。确定人民对权力下放概念的知识不足是政治发展的主要障碍之一,本文强调了辩论的观点,以表明人民应该能够学到什么。文章认为,知识的缺乏使大众意识折衷化和非政治化。回顾了国家在分散式计划的政治上的经验,论文的结论是,没有什么比这更重要的了
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引用次数: 10
Alternative Paradigms of Economic Decentralisation 经济分权的可选范式
Pub Date : 2001-09-01 DOI: 10.2307/3517983
P. Patnaik
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引用次数: 3
The Politics of Translation: Manto's Partition Stories and Khalid Hasan's English Version 翻译的政治:曼托的分裂故事和哈立德·哈桑的英译本
Pub Date : 2001-07-01 DOI: 10.2307/3518123
Alok Bhalla
On one level translating Saadat Hasan Manto into English is not very difficult. As a storyteller he never retreats from the complexity of lived experience to find easy refuge in political posturing or moral and religious sermonising. That is why the style of his best stories, devoid of all metaphoric excess and sentimental inflections, is always precise, bare-boned and conversational. Most of his narrators are either hard-drinking and whoring men who live in cities which have neither space for graciousness nor time for romance, or are men who have seen so much horror that they can only offer a disenchanted and cynical vision of the world. Their descriptions, ironic and coldeyed, seem to be authentic versions of life at a particular historical moment, because they have the feel of the real and the pitilessness of stone. It should not, therefore, be impossible for a translator to find verbal and cultural equivalents for his stories in English. Structurally, Manto's tales are idiosyncratic but should not make a translator anxious. Manto often disrupts the linear and chronological flow of his stories by using the same kind of parenthetical interruptions, digressions or elisions that are common to all ordinary conversations. Since he is not conducting political and ethical arguments, he doesn't worry about constructing well-argued paragraphs, whose internal coherence is essential to convince us of the truth of some abstract proposition. Instead, with the fine cunning of a master storyteller, at times he disrupts the narrative to increase suspense, or breaks the story's spell to remind us that life always frustrates our longing for completion; at other times, he offers different narrative possibilities within the same story and invites us to puzzle them out, or merely writes a fragment which emerges from silence
从某种程度上讲,把Saadat Hasan Manto翻译成英语并不难。作为一个讲故事的人,他从不回避生活经历的复杂性,在政治姿态或道德和宗教说教中寻找轻松的避难所。这就是为什么他最好的故事的风格,没有任何隐喻的过度和感伤的变化,总是精确的,赤裸的和对话。他的大部分叙述者要么是酒鬼和妓女,他们生活在城市里,既没有空间给仁慈,也没有时间给浪漫,要么是看过太多恐怖的人,他们只能提供一种幻灭和愤世嫉俗的世界观。他们的描写,讽刺和冷酷,似乎是在一个特定的历史时刻生活的真实版本,因为他们有真实的感觉和无情的石头。因此,对于译者来说,为他的英语故事找到语言和文化上的对等点应该不是不可能的。从结构上讲,曼托的故事与众不同,但不应让译者感到焦虑。曼托经常使用在所有普通对话中常见的插入式打断、离题或省略,从而打乱故事的线性和时间顺序。因为他没有进行政治和伦理的论证,所以他并不担心构造论点充分的段落,这些段落的内在连贯性对于说服我们相信某些抽象命题的真实性至关重要。相反,他以一个讲故事大师的精湛技巧,不时打断叙述,增加悬念,或者打破故事的魔咒,提醒我们,生活总是挫败我们对完成的渴望;在其他时候,他在同一个故事中提供不同的叙事可能性,并邀请我们去弄清楚它们,或者只是写一个从沉默中出现的片段
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引用次数: 5
The Political Economy of Communalism: Some Observations on the Contemporary Political Discourse in India 社群主义的政治经济学:对当代印度政治话语的一些观察
Pub Date : 2001-07-01 DOI: 10.2307/3518125
V. Ananth
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引用次数: 1
Brahmanical Ideology, Regional Identities and the Construction of Early India 婆罗门意识形态、地域认同与早期印度的建构
Pub Date : 2001-07-01 DOI: 10.2307/3518122
B. P. Sahu
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引用次数: 8
1930: Turning Point in the Participation of Women in the Freedom Struggle 1930年:妇女参与自由斗争的转折点
Pub Date : 2001-07-01 DOI: 10.2307/3518124
M. Chatterjee
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引用次数: 9
Collective Mastery in Kerala 喀拉拉邦的集体掌控
Pub Date : 2001-05-01 DOI: 10.2307/3518298
V. Prashad, T. Isaac, R. Franke
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引用次数: 0
Once Again on the Falling Rate of Profit 再来看看利润率的下降
Pub Date : 2001-05-01 DOI: 10.2307/3518299
K. K. Theckedath, R. Bellofiore
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引用次数: 0
The 'Modern' in Modern Indian History 现代印度历史中的“现代”
Pub Date : 2001-05-01 DOI: 10.2307/3518296
B. Rao
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引用次数: 0
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