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Modern History and Politics: When Parliaments Ruled the Middle East: Iraq and Syria, 1946–63, by Matthieu Rey (book review) 《现代历史与政治:当议会统治中东:伊拉克和叙利亚,1946-63》,马修·雷伊著(书评)
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.3751/76.3.307
Ali Elsawi
When Parliaments Ruled the Middle East: Iraq and Syria, 1946–63, by Matthieu Rey. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2022. 344 pages. $79.95.
《当议会统治中东:伊拉克和叙利亚》,1946–63年,马蒂厄·雷著。开罗:开罗美国大学出版社,2022年。344页$79.95。
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引用次数: 0
Pre-Twentieth-Century History: Empire of Salons: Conquest and Community in Early Modern Ottoman Lands, by Helen Pfeifer (book review) 《20世纪前的历史:沙龙帝国:近代早期奥斯曼帝国土地上的征服与社区》,海伦·普费弗著(书评)
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.3751/76.3.311
Christine M. Philliou
Empire of Salons: Conquest and Community in Early Modern Ottoman Lands, by Helen Pfeifer. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2022. 320 pages. $39.95.
《沙龙帝国:近代早期奥斯曼帝国土地上的征服与社区》,海伦·普费弗著。普林斯顿,新泽西州:普林斯顿大学出版社,2022。320页。39.95美元。
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引用次数: 0
Yemen: South Yemen's Independence Struggle: Generations of Resistance, by Anne-Linda Amira Augustin (book review) 《也门:南也门的独立斗争:几代人的抵抗》,Anne Linda Amira Augustin著(书评)
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.3751/76.3.304
Marieke Brandt
South Yemen's Independence Struggle: Generations of Resistance, by AnneLinda Amira Augustin. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2021. £50.
南也门的独立斗争:几代人的抵抗,作者:AnneLinda Amira Augustin。开罗:开罗美国大学出版社,2021年。£50。
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引用次数: 0
Egypt: The Muslim Brothers in Society: Everyday Politics, Social Action, and Islamism in Mubarak's Egypt, by Marie Vannetzel. Translated by David Tresilian (book review) 埃及:社会中的穆斯林兄弟会:穆巴拉克统治下的埃及的日常政治、社会行动和伊斯兰主义。大卫·特雷斯利安译(书评)
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.3751/76.3.301
S. Brooke
The Muslim Brothers in Society: Everyday Politics, Social Action, and Islamism in Mubarak's Egypt, by Marie Vannetzel. Translated by David Tresilian. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2020. 484 pages. $49.95.
《社会中的穆斯林兄弟:穆巴拉克时代埃及的日常政治、社会行动和伊斯兰主义》,玛丽·万内策尔著。David Tresilian翻译。开罗:开罗美国大学出版社,2020年。484页$49.95。
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引用次数: 0
The Limits of Right-Wing Populism in Power and the Israeli Political Crisis of 2018–2021 右翼民粹主义的执政极限与2018-2021年以色列政治危机
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.3751/76.3.12
D. Navot, Yair Goldshmidt, Asaf Yakir, Doha Abdelgawad, Mirna M. Wasef, Yesim Bayar, L. Brand, Marieke Brandt, S. Brooke, Neil Caplan, Ali Elsawi, Christian Koch, Daniel C. Kurtzer, E. Moosa, Christine M. Philliou, Craig Whiteside, Michael Woldemariam, Jacob Passel, Neta Oren, D. Waxman
Abstract:Between 2018 and 2021, Israel experienced an unprecedented political crisis that saw four rounds of elections, as the country's parties failed to form a stable coalition government. This article contends that this crisis was the result of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's shift away from neoliberalism and toward a populist "anti-system" agenda. While Netanyahu's intensification of institutional subversion played a role in his success in the mid-late 2010s, it complicated relations within his party and among his political allies. The end result was years of political deadlock.
摘要:2018年至2021年间,以色列经历了一场前所未有的政治危机,该国各政党未能组建稳定的联合政府,共举行了四轮选举。这篇文章认为,这场危机是总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡从新自由主义转向民粹主义“反体制”议程的结果。虽然内塔尼亚胡对制度颠覆的强化对他在2010年代中后期的成功起到了一定作用,但这使他所在政党内部和政治盟友之间的关系复杂化。最终的结果是多年的政治僵局。
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引用次数: 1
A Self-Fulfilling Prophecy: The Saudi Struggle for Iraq by Katherine Harvey (review) 《自我实现的预言:沙特为伊拉克而战》凯瑟琳·哈维著(书评)
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-28 DOI: 10.1353/jsa.2023.a899952
J. Bordón
For all the uncertainty and polarization that followed the United States’ invasion of Iraq in 2003, the administration of President George W. Bush was determined to overthrow Saddam Husayn’s regime and to build a system virtually from scratch. Among the multiple hindrances to the titanic endeavor of stabilizing the emerging political project, one proved to be crucial: the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia was unwilling to bring the new Iraq in from the cold. This book, beyond addressing the persistent analytical gap on Saudi-Iraqi relations, offers a compelling story that challenges long-held assumptions about the nature of Iraqi politics, the effects of which are still felt today. Katherine Harvey organizes the book around a powerful argument. Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy toward Iraq, for the most part of the twenty-first century, has been both driven by and led to a self-fulfilling prophecy. The Saudi leadership refused to normalize relations with post-2003 Iraq because of the unwavering perception that the Iraqi state had fallen under the control of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Driven by a profound animosity, it was the conviction of ‘Abdullah bin ‘Abd al-Aziz Al Sa‘ud — Saudi Arabia’s ruling crown prince during the invasion and king from 2005 until his death in 2015 — that Iraq posed a threat to the Kingdom and that it ought to be framed and treated as such. However, the argument goes, there is clear evidence that suggests Nuri al-Maliki, Iraq’s prime minister from 2006 through 2014, was not aligned with Iran in the first place, nor interested in turning Saudi Arabia into an enemy. It was ‘Abdullah’s decision to sideline Maliki that pushed the latter to the proIranian camp, instead of the other way around. The absence of literature problematizing the bilateral relationship is quite surprising. Rather, it has often been addressed as part of broader geopolitical cleavages along sectarian lines or as a space for conflict and contestation between regional rivals . The 2003 turning point has provided the basis for many accounts focusing on regional and international developments (not least, the US-led “War on Terror”) as well as on domestic politics. For example, Frederic Wehrey’s book refers to the emerging status quo in Iraq to explain the relations between the Saudi regime and its Shi‘i nationals. Several academic articles have commented on aspects of the SaudiIraqi relationship and, more recently, noted a period of warming exchanges. Nonetheless, more comprehensive attempts to unpack the relationship are long overdue. Therefore, A Self-Fulfilling Prophecy’s purpose is encouraging. In a more theoretical vein, Harvey aims to dissect the intricacies of foreign policy decision-making in admittedly opaque settings, shedding light on the thinking of key political figures, their sets of beliefs, and (mis)perceptions. The book’s theoretical and empirical framework is designed to investigate the minds of ‘Abdullah and Maliki, where subjecti vities and differen
尽管2003年美国入侵伊拉克后出现了种种不确定性和两极分化,但乔治·W·布什总统的政府决心推翻萨达姆·侯赛因政权,并几乎从头开始建立一个体系。在稳定这一新兴政治项目的巨大努力的多重障碍中,有一个被证明是至关重要的:沙特阿拉伯王国不愿意让新的伊拉克摆脱寒冷。这本书除了解决沙特与伊拉克关系上持续存在的分析差距外,还提供了一个引人注目的故事,挑战了人们对伊拉克政治性质的长期假设,其影响至今仍能感受到。Katherine Harvey围绕一个强有力的论点整理了这本书。在21世纪的大部分时间里,沙特阿拉伯对伊拉克的外交政策都是由一个自我实现的预言推动并导致的。沙特领导层拒绝与2003年后的伊拉克实现关系正常化,因为人们坚定不移地认为伊拉克已落入伊朗伊斯兰共和国的控制之下。在一种深刻的敌意的驱使下,“阿卜杜拉·本·阿卜杜勒·阿齐兹·赛义德”(Abdullah bin Abd al-Aziz al-Sa’ud)坚信伊拉克对沙特王国构成威胁,应该对其进行诬陷和处理。然而,有人认为,有明确证据表明,2006年至2014年担任伊拉克总理的努里·马利基一开始并不与伊朗结盟,也没有兴趣将沙特阿拉伯变成敌人。正是阿卜杜拉决定让马利基靠边站,才将后者推向了亲伊朗阵营,而不是相反。没有关于双边关系问题的文献是令人惊讶的。相反,它经常被视为更广泛的宗派地缘政治分裂的一部分,或是地区竞争对手之间冲突和争夺的空间。2003年的转折点为许多关注地区和国际发展(尤其是美国领导的“反恐战争”)以及国内政治的报道提供了基础。例如,Frederic Wehrey的书提到了伊拉克正在出现的现状,以解释沙特政权与其什叶派国民之间的关系。几篇学术文章评论了沙特和伊拉克关系的各个方面,最近还指出了一段时间的交流升温。尽管如此,早就应该进行更全面的尝试来解开这种关系了。因此,自我实现预言的目的是令人鼓舞的。从更理论的角度来看,哈维旨在剖析公认不透明环境中外交政策决策的复杂性,揭示关键政治人物的思想、他们的信仰和(错误)认知。这本书的理论和实证框架旨在调查阿卜杜拉和马利基的思想,在他们的思想中,主观能动性和不同的信息链融合在一起,并导致政策决策。作为美国海军的前情报官员,哈维完全有能力进行这种调查。她的经验无疑为她处理决策过程和提出实质性主张所需的来源三角测量提供了依据。布鲁金斯学会情报项目主任Bruce Riedel在前言中支持了这本书的发现。作为乔治城大学的早期研究员,Harvey有一个良好的开端。这本书依赖于一种几十年来一直处于智力辩论中心的概念装置:威胁感知和
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引用次数: 0
Iraq: A Self-Fulfilling Prophecy: The Saudi Struggle for Iraq, by Katherine Harvey. Foreword by Bruce Riedel. (book review) 《伊拉克:一个自我实现的预言:沙特为伊拉克而战》,凯瑟琳·哈维著。Bruce Riedel的前言。(书评)
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.3751/76.2.303
Javier Bordón
Iraq: A Self-Fulfilling Prophecy: The Saudi Struggle for Iraq, by Katherine Harvey. Foreword by Bruce Riedel. London: Hurst, 2021. 365 pages. £35.
《伊拉克:自我实现的预言:沙特为伊拉克而战》,凯瑟琳·哈维著。Bruce Riedel的前言。伦敦:赫斯特,2021。365页。35英镑。
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引用次数: 0
The World Cup: A Mixed Blessing for Qatari Soft Power 世界杯:卡塔尔软实力喜忧参半
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.3751/76.2.30
J. Dorsey
Qatar and the 2022 FIFA World Cup: Politics, Controversy, Change, by Paul Michael Brannagan and Danyel Reiche. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2022. 186 pages. $49.99 cloth; $39.99 e-book
《卡塔尔与2022年世界杯:政治、争议与变革》,作者:保罗·迈克尔·布拉纳根和丹尼尔·赖希。Cham,瑞士:Palgrave Macmillan, 2022。186页。布49.99美元;39.99美元的电子书
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引用次数: 1
PALESTINE AND PALESTINIANS: Becoming Palestine: Toward an Archival Imagination of the Future,by Gil Z. Hochberg,and Networked Refugees: Palestinian Reci- procity and Remittances in the Digital Age,by Nadya Hajj. (book review) 《巴勒斯坦和巴勒斯坦人:成为巴勒斯坦:走向未来的档案想象》,吉尔·z·霍赫伯格著;《网络化难民:数字时代巴勒斯坦人的礼让和汇款》,娜迪亚·哈吉著。(书评)
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.3751/76.2.307
Dina Matar
PALESTINE AND PALESTINIANS: Becoming Palestine: Toward an Archival Imagination of the Future, by Gil Z. Hochberg. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2021. 208 pages. $94.95 cloth; $24.95 paper. Networked Refugees: Palestinian Reci- procity and Remittances in the Digital Age, by Nadya Hajj. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2021. 146 pages. $34.95 paper
《巴勒斯坦与巴勒斯坦人:成为巴勒斯坦:走向未来的档案想象》,吉尔·Z·霍克伯格著。北卡罗来纳州达勒姆:杜克大学出版社,2021年。208页$94.95布$24.95论文。Nadya Hajj著,《网络难民:数字时代的巴勒斯坦接收和汇款》。伯克利:加州大学出版社,2021年。146页$34.95纸张
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引用次数: 0
The Grimness of the Alternatives: Carter, Israel, and the Civil War in Lebanon 另类选择的残酷:卡特、以色列和黎巴嫩内战
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.3751/76.2.14
H. H. Waage, Mathias Nesthun Sønsteby
Abstract:In 1977, United States president Jimmy Carter wanted a comprehensive peace for the Middle East. Amid the devastating civil war in Lebanon, Israel had found common ground with Christian militias and turned against the Palestinians. However, Carter's peace had to include Israel, and his persistent headache was to get the Jewish state to accept his suggestions, be it in Lebanon or in the negotiations with Egypt. Thus, Carter had to sacrifice any heroic peace for Lebanon on the altar of Egyptian-Israeli peace.
摘要:1977年,美国总统吉米·卡特希望中东实现全面和平。在黎巴嫩毁灭性的内战中,以色列与基督教民兵找到了共同点,转而反对巴勒斯坦人。然而,卡特的和平必须包括以色列,他一直头疼的是让犹太国家接受他的建议,无论是在黎巴嫩还是在与埃及的谈判中。因此,卡特不得不在埃及-以色列和平的祭坛上为黎巴嫩牺牲任何英勇的和平。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Middle East Journal
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