Abstract COVID-19 (coronavirus disease 2019) pandemic has affected almost every aspect of our lives. While millions of people fought with the disease, economies, societies and institutions faced side-effects of government measures resisting the spread of the virus. This article describes the effects of the pandemic on the legislative behaviour of MPs in one of the worst-hit countries in the world, the Czech Republic. The results show that the number of bill proposals and roll calls substantially increased during the pandemic compared to pre-pandemic times. Since the start of the outbreak, a third of roll calls and a half of bill proposals concerned the pandemic. Nonetheless, the outbreak did not substantially affect the voting unity of parliamentary party groups nor the opposition became more supportive of the cabinet. Still, while the liberal Pirates became more cooperative during the pandemic than the pre-pandemic period, the rightist antisystem party Freedom and Direct Democracy receded from the rest of the parties on the pandemic issues.
{"title":"Legislative Behaviour of MPs in the Czech Republic in Times of Covid-19 Pandemic","authors":"Lukáš Hájek","doi":"10.1093/pa/gsab057","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsab057","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract COVID-19 (coronavirus disease 2019) pandemic has affected almost every aspect of our lives. While millions of people fought with the disease, economies, societies and institutions faced side-effects of government measures resisting the spread of the virus. This article describes the effects of the pandemic on the legislative behaviour of MPs in one of the worst-hit countries in the world, the Czech Republic. The results show that the number of bill proposals and roll calls substantially increased during the pandemic compared to pre-pandemic times. Since the start of the outbreak, a third of roll calls and a half of bill proposals concerned the pandemic. Nonetheless, the outbreak did not substantially affect the voting unity of parliamentary party groups nor the opposition became more supportive of the cabinet. Still, while the liberal Pirates became more cooperative during the pandemic than the pre-pandemic period, the rightist antisystem party Freedom and Direct Democracy receded from the rest of the parties on the pandemic issues.","PeriodicalId":19790,"journal":{"name":"Parliamentary Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42802339","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Rethinking Defection: An Analysis of Anti-defection Laws in India","authors":"Darsan Guruvayurappan","doi":"10.1093/PA/GSAB054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/PA/GSAB054","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":19790,"journal":{"name":"Parliamentary Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46876874","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Peter Mair argued that political parties and society are withdrawing from each other, thus creating a ‘void’ in the heart of representation in many established democracies. However, Members of Parliament (MPs) are increasing the time and resources devoted to constituency work. This article explores how MPs, as parties’ representatives, engage with constituents, and whether this work takes the disconnected form expected in a political void. Interviews with 20 Australian state legislators show MPs building policy, service, symbolic and partisan connections with citizens. Though parties no longer definitively structure representation, these findings highlight the importance of understanding party–society relationships in the constituency.
{"title":"Against the Void: Constituency Work and Connection Building Evidence from Australia","authors":"Pandanus H Petter","doi":"10.1093/pa/gsab053","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsab053","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Peter Mair argued that political parties and society are withdrawing from each other, thus creating a ‘void’ in the heart of representation in many established democracies. However, Members of Parliament (MPs) are increasing the time and resources devoted to constituency work. This article explores how MPs, as parties’ representatives, engage with constituents, and whether this work takes the disconnected form expected in a political void. Interviews with 20 Australian state legislators show MPs building policy, service, symbolic and partisan connections with citizens. Though parties no longer definitively structure representation, these findings highlight the importance of understanding party–society relationships in the constituency.","PeriodicalId":19790,"journal":{"name":"Parliamentary Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48144312","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic has dramatically accelerated digital transformations in all spheres of public and private life, providing a strong incentive also for parliaments to adopt digital and remote working methods. The entry of the virtual paradigm into parliamentary work is part of a scenario already marked by a crisis of the traditional political representation model, also as a consequence of the disintermediation phenomena induced by the digital revolution. This article aims at investigating some conceptual links between the crisis of parliamentary representation and the digital transition and at analysing pros and cons of virtual/hybrid parliamentary proceedings and investigating with a non-empirical approach some potential systemic effects that could derive from maintaining them even after the current pandemic is over. Finally, the article suggests that the virtual challenge could encourage the evolution of parliaments towards new hybrid and network-based representation models which might help in providing a new centrality to legislatures in 21st century democratic systems.
{"title":"Parliaments Facing the Virtual Challenge: A Conceptual Approach for New Models of Representation","authors":"Alberto Mencarelli","doi":"10.1093/pa/gsab052","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsab052","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic has dramatically accelerated digital transformations in all spheres of public and private life, providing a strong incentive also for parliaments to adopt digital and remote working methods. The entry of the virtual paradigm into parliamentary work is part of a scenario already marked by a crisis of the traditional political representation model, also as a consequence of the disintermediation phenomena induced by the digital revolution. This article aims at investigating some conceptual links between the crisis of parliamentary representation and the digital transition and at analysing pros and cons of virtual/hybrid parliamentary proceedings and investigating with a non-empirical approach some potential systemic effects that could derive from maintaining them even after the current pandemic is over. Finally, the article suggests that the virtual challenge could encourage the evolution of parliaments towards new hybrid and network-based representation models which might help in providing a new centrality to legislatures in 21st century democratic systems.","PeriodicalId":19790,"journal":{"name":"Parliamentary Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48396435","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The ‘core executive’ is conceived of as the collection of organisations and procedures that coordinate executive government. Two approaches to core executive studies are: the resource dependency approach, which focusses on how roles interact and resources are utilised; and the functional approach, which focusses on how roles change over time. Both approaches are applied to non-partisan advisors (private secretaries) in ministerial office settings, actors which to date core executive studies have ignored. It reveals the resources that non-partisan advisors apply to contribute to policy coordination and maintain political neutrality; and that their role has changed since the increased presence of partisan advisors in ministers’ offices in the past 20 years. Six distinct roles describe how non-partisan advisors respond to and meet the needs of both minister and public service in the core executive. When compared with political advisory roles, five of the roles appear strongly aligned in function.
{"title":"Non-Partisan Advisors in the Minister’s Office—Ghosts in the Core Executive Machine?","authors":"Rose Cole","doi":"10.1093/pa/gsab050","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsab050","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The ‘core executive’ is conceived of as the collection of organisations and procedures that coordinate executive government. Two approaches to core executive studies are: the resource dependency approach, which focusses on how roles interact and resources are utilised; and the functional approach, which focusses on how roles change over time. Both approaches are applied to non-partisan advisors (private secretaries) in ministerial office settings, actors which to date core executive studies have ignored. It reveals the resources that non-partisan advisors apply to contribute to policy coordination and maintain political neutrality; and that their role has changed since the increased presence of partisan advisors in ministers’ offices in the past 20 years. Six distinct roles describe how non-partisan advisors respond to and meet the needs of both minister and public service in the core executive. When compared with political advisory roles, five of the roles appear strongly aligned in function.","PeriodicalId":19790,"journal":{"name":"Parliamentary Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-09-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47454124","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
At UK general elections, parties and candidates standing in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales give prominence to pledges to act on behalf of those territories. This article examines how far and in what ways MPs with constituencies in those parts of the UK actually seek to give representation to these territorial units once elected. A typology of forms of substantive parliamentary representation of sub-state units such as these is outlined, and results of a content analysis of Commons contributions by backbench MPs between 1992 and 2019 are presented. It is found that MPs from the parts of the UK with devolved legislatures focus extensively on the sub-state territorial level and that these MPs have adapted their representational styles to the changed institutional context following devolution. These findings have important implications for how we think about the roles of MPs from Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales in the post-devolution context.
{"title":"Standing Up for the Nations? Devolution and the Changing Territorial Role of Backbench MPs with Constituencies in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, 1992–2019","authors":"Jack Sheldon","doi":"10.1093/pa/gsab048","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsab048","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 At UK general elections, parties and candidates standing in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales give prominence to pledges to act on behalf of those territories. This article examines how far and in what ways MPs with constituencies in those parts of the UK actually seek to give representation to these territorial units once elected. A typology of forms of substantive parliamentary representation of sub-state units such as these is outlined, and results of a content analysis of Commons contributions by backbench MPs between 1992 and 2019 are presented. It is found that MPs from the parts of the UK with devolved legislatures focus extensively on the sub-state territorial level and that these MPs have adapted their representational styles to the changed institutional context following devolution. These findings have important implications for how we think about the roles of MPs from Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales in the post-devolution context.","PeriodicalId":19790,"journal":{"name":"Parliamentary Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44624086","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A. T. D. Barros, C. Bernardes, Cristiano Faria, Elisabete Busanello
The study aims to analyse the strategies adopted by the Brazilian Federal Chamber of Deputies during the period 2019–2022 (56th legislature) on social media platforms. The survey with political advisers includes the following platforms: Facebook, Instagram, YouTube, Twitter, WhatsApp, Telegram and LinkedIn. The sample consists of 155 informants, 30.21% of the total of 513 parliamentary offices. The conclusions show that 65% of the offices adopt specific strategies for each type of social media, although there is a wider principle, which is the constitution of multi-networks, in a coordinated and complementary way. Within these strategies, the disclosure regarding the parliamentarian’s own actions and the agenda of their electoral bases is prioritized over institutional legislative activities.
{"title":"Digital Mandates and Their Management: Strategies for Usage of Social Media by Brazilian Federal Legislators","authors":"A. T. D. Barros, C. Bernardes, Cristiano Faria, Elisabete Busanello","doi":"10.1093/pa/gsab046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsab046","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The study aims to analyse the strategies adopted by the Brazilian Federal Chamber of Deputies during the period 2019–2022 (56th legislature) on social media platforms. The survey with political advisers includes the following platforms: Facebook, Instagram, YouTube, Twitter, WhatsApp, Telegram and LinkedIn. The sample consists of 155 informants, 30.21% of the total of 513 parliamentary offices. The conclusions show that 65% of the offices adopt specific strategies for each type of social media, although there is a wider principle, which is the constitution of multi-networks, in a coordinated and complementary way. Within these strategies, the disclosure regarding the parliamentarian’s own actions and the agenda of their electoral bases is prioritized over institutional legislative activities.","PeriodicalId":19790,"journal":{"name":"Parliamentary Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45996247","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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