Pub Date : 2023-06-27DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2229780
Stewart M. Coles, D. Lane
ABSTRACT Despite the centrality of race and ethnicity in social and political life, they are often absent from studies of the urgent questions in contemporary political communication research. In this essay introducing a special issue focused on “Race and Ethnicity as Foundational Forces in Political Communication,” we examine factors that may contribute to the relative absence of race/ethnicity in the political communication scholarship, including: 1) structural inequalities in the field, 2) contested conceptualizations of race, and 3) the domination of certain epistemological and methodological traditions. We introduce the articles in this issue as a means of moving toward a richer integration of race/ethnicity into the field’s “big questions” and expanding the boundaries of the field itself. In making a case for a more robust conversation about race and ethnicity in political communication, we note crucial areas for self-reflection, debate, and inspiration.
{"title":"Race and Ethnicity as Foundational Forces in Political Communication: Special Issue Introduction","authors":"Stewart M. Coles, D. Lane","doi":"10.1080/10584609.2023.2229780","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2023.2229780","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Despite the centrality of race and ethnicity in social and political life, they are often absent from studies of the urgent questions in contemporary political communication research. In this essay introducing a special issue focused on “Race and Ethnicity as Foundational Forces in Political Communication,” we examine factors that may contribute to the relative absence of race/ethnicity in the political communication scholarship, including: 1) structural inequalities in the field, 2) contested conceptualizations of race, and 3) the domination of certain epistemological and methodological traditions. We introduce the articles in this issue as a means of moving toward a richer integration of race/ethnicity into the field’s “big questions” and expanding the boundaries of the field itself. In making a case for a more robust conversation about race and ethnicity in political communication, we note crucial areas for self-reflection, debate, and inspiration.","PeriodicalId":20264,"journal":{"name":"Political Communication","volume":"40 1","pages":"367 - 376"},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46702384","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-22DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2222370
Michael Bossetta, Anamaria Dutceac Segesten, Duje Bonacci
ABSTRACT Political communication research has long sought to understand the effects of cross-cutting exposure on political participation. Here, we argue for a paradigm shift that acknowledges the agency of citizens as producers of cross-cutting expression on social media. We define cross-cutting expression as political communication through speech or behavior within a counter-attitudinal space. After explicating our conceptualization of cross-cutting expression, we empirically explore: its extent, its relationship to political arguments, and its implications for digital campaigning during the 2016 Brexit Referendum. Our dataset, comprising 2,198,741 comments from 344,884 users, is built from Facebook comments to three public campaign pages active during the Brexit referendum: StrongerIn, VoteLeave, and LeaveEU. We utilize reactions data to sort partisans into “Remain” and “Brexit” camps and, thereafter, chart users’ commenting flows across the three pages. We estimate 29% of comments to be cross-cutting, and we find strong correlations between cross-cutting expression and reasoned political arguments. Then, to better understand how cross-cutting expression may influence political participation on social media, we topic model the dataset to identify the political themes discussed during the Brexit debate on Facebook. Our findings suggest that political Facebook pages are not echo chambers, that cross-cutting expression correlates with reasoned political arguments, and that cross-cutting expression may influence the online voter mobilization potential of political Facebook pages.
{"title":"Reconceptualizing Cross-Cutting Political Expression on Social Media: A Case Study of Facebook Comments During the 2016 Brexit Referendum","authors":"Michael Bossetta, Anamaria Dutceac Segesten, Duje Bonacci","doi":"10.1080/10584609.2023.2222370","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2023.2222370","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Political communication research has long sought to understand the effects of cross-cutting exposure on political participation. Here, we argue for a paradigm shift that acknowledges the agency of citizens as producers of cross-cutting expression on social media. We define cross-cutting expression as political communication through speech or behavior within a counter-attitudinal space. After explicating our conceptualization of cross-cutting expression, we empirically explore: its extent, its relationship to political arguments, and its implications for digital campaigning during the 2016 Brexit Referendum. Our dataset, comprising 2,198,741 comments from 344,884 users, is built from Facebook comments to three public campaign pages active during the Brexit referendum: StrongerIn, VoteLeave, and LeaveEU. We utilize reactions data to sort partisans into “Remain” and “Brexit” camps and, thereafter, chart users’ commenting flows across the three pages. We estimate 29% of comments to be cross-cutting, and we find strong correlations between cross-cutting expression and reasoned political arguments. Then, to better understand how cross-cutting expression may influence political participation on social media, we topic model the dataset to identify the political themes discussed during the Brexit debate on Facebook. Our findings suggest that political Facebook pages are not echo chambers, that cross-cutting expression correlates with reasoned political arguments, and that cross-cutting expression may influence the online voter mobilization potential of political Facebook pages.","PeriodicalId":20264,"journal":{"name":"Political Communication","volume":"40 1","pages":"719 - 741"},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44814669","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-16DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2222382
Ceren Budak, Natalie Jomini Stroud, Ashley Muddiman, Caroline C. Murray, Yujin Kim
ABSTRACT In today’s fragmented media environment, it is unclear whether the correspondence between media agendas that characterizes intermedia agenda setting persists. Through a combination of manual and computerized content analysis of 486,068 paragraphs of COVID−19 coverage across 4,589 cable and broadcast news transcripts, we analyze second and third-level attribute agenda setting, both in terms of central themes and aspects. Through the lens of the issue attention cycle, we assess whether relationships among media agendas change over time. The results show that even in a fragmented media environment, there is considerable evidence of intermedia agenda setting. The attribute agendas were largely similar across outlets despite the similarity slightly decreasing over time. The findings suggest that there was only modest evidence for the prominent perception of fragmented coverage for cable and broadcast news networks’ attribute agendas concerning the COVID−19 pandemic.
{"title":"The Stability of Cable and Broadcast News Intermedia Agenda Setting Across the COVID-19 Issue Attention Cycle","authors":"Ceren Budak, Natalie Jomini Stroud, Ashley Muddiman, Caroline C. Murray, Yujin Kim","doi":"10.1080/10584609.2023.2222382","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2023.2222382","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In today’s fragmented media environment, it is unclear whether the correspondence between media agendas that characterizes intermedia agenda setting persists. Through a combination of manual and computerized content analysis of 486,068 paragraphs of COVID−19 coverage across 4,589 cable and broadcast news transcripts, we analyze second and third-level attribute agenda setting, both in terms of central themes and aspects. Through the lens of the issue attention cycle, we assess whether relationships among media agendas change over time. The results show that even in a fragmented media environment, there is considerable evidence of intermedia agenda setting. The attribute agendas were largely similar across outlets despite the similarity slightly decreasing over time. The findings suggest that there was only modest evidence for the prominent perception of fragmented coverage for cable and broadcast news networks’ attribute agendas concerning the COVID−19 pandemic.","PeriodicalId":20264,"journal":{"name":"Political Communication","volume":"40 1","pages":"827 - 847"},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47371560","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-15DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2222070
Atle Haugsgjerd, Rune Karlsen, Kari Steen-Johnsen
ABSTRACT This article examines how the use of social media for news affects citizens’ knowledge about politics and current affairs. We employ a two-dimensional perspective on political knowledge and investigate how factual political knowledge, confidence in that knowledge, and misinformation, understood as the mismatch between factual political knowledge and confidence in knowledge, are related to social media news consumption. While earlier studies have suggested a negative relationship between social media news consumption and factual knowledge, there are indications that social media use may give people a general sense of being informed, even when they are not. Such general subjective knowledge might, however, differ from confidence in retrieved facts. Drawing on a two-wave panel study from Norway, we find evidence of a negative relationship between social media news consumption and both dimensions of knowledge. Notably, however, we do not find that social media news use leads to confidence in incorrect beliefs, suggesting that the digital media environment produces an uninformed, but not an overconfident, misinformed news audience.
{"title":"Uninformed or Misinformed in the Digital News Environment? How Social Media News Use Affects Two Dimensions of Political Knowledge","authors":"Atle Haugsgjerd, Rune Karlsen, Kari Steen-Johnsen","doi":"10.1080/10584609.2023.2222070","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2023.2222070","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines how the use of social media for news affects citizens’ knowledge about politics and current affairs. We employ a two-dimensional perspective on political knowledge and investigate how factual political knowledge, confidence in that knowledge, and misinformation, understood as the mismatch between factual political knowledge and confidence in knowledge, are related to social media news consumption. While earlier studies have suggested a negative relationship between social media news consumption and factual knowledge, there are indications that social media use may give people a general sense of being informed, even when they are not. Such general subjective knowledge might, however, differ from confidence in retrieved facts. Drawing on a two-wave panel study from Norway, we find evidence of a negative relationship between social media news consumption and both dimensions of knowledge. Notably, however, we do not find that social media news use leads to confidence in incorrect beliefs, suggesting that the digital media environment produces an uninformed, but not an overconfident, misinformed news audience.","PeriodicalId":20264,"journal":{"name":"Political Communication","volume":"40 1","pages":"700 - 718"},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44529606","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-09DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2222364
Yujin Kim, Jessica R. Collier, Caroline C. Murray, Natalie Jomini Stroud
ABSTRACT Although diverse political networks are seen as democratically valuable, online social networks enable the construction and maintenance of networks that are less diverse. In this study, we explore the cultivation of like-minded networks through blocking those sharing counter-attitudinal partisan memes and engaging with pro-attitudinal partisan memes. We then test the efficacy of an intervention to reduce the spread of homophily-inducing partisan memes. We present four experiments. Study 1 establishes that people react differently to partisan memes than to partisan news. Studies 1–4 confirm that people react differently to pro- and counter-attitudinal memes. Studies 3 and 4 provide limited evidence that reminding people of the diversity of their online networks can reduce digital behaviors that produce more homophilous networks. The results provide initial evidence that partisan memes may give rise to a spiral of homophily.
{"title":"Partisan Memes as a Catalyst for Homophilous Networks","authors":"Yujin Kim, Jessica R. Collier, Caroline C. Murray, Natalie Jomini Stroud","doi":"10.1080/10584609.2023.2222364","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2023.2222364","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Although diverse political networks are seen as democratically valuable, online social networks enable the construction and maintenance of networks that are less diverse. In this study, we explore the cultivation of like-minded networks through blocking those sharing counter-attitudinal partisan memes and engaging with pro-attitudinal partisan memes. We then test the efficacy of an intervention to reduce the spread of homophily-inducing partisan memes. We present four experiments. Study 1 establishes that people react differently to partisan memes than to partisan news. Studies 1–4 confirm that people react differently to pro- and counter-attitudinal memes. Studies 3 and 4 provide limited evidence that reminding people of the diversity of their online networks can reduce digital behaviors that produce more homophilous networks. The results provide initial evidence that partisan memes may give rise to a spiral of homophily.","PeriodicalId":20264,"journal":{"name":"Political Communication","volume":"40 1","pages":"768 - 787"},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46388151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-08DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2222267
Chris Wells, Lewis A. Friedland
ABSTRACT The theory of recognition has much to offer the field of political communication as it struggles to comprehend communicative dysfunctions, political polarization and governing crises across the industrialized democracies. Drawing on the work of Axel Honneth, Charles Taylor, Nancy Fraser and Michele Lamont, as well as more recent contributions, we put recognition theory into conversation with some of our field’s contemporary concerns. In particular, we show how the theory offers depth, nuance and synthesis to progress communication scholars are making in the study of how attention economics and social identity shape perceptions and communications in a hybrid political media system. In the process, we argue that we are experiencing a historically novel phase of recognition, in which the granting and denial of recognition are transformed at the individual level by the affordances of many-to-many social networking platforms, and at the group level by the use of recognition for attracting attention to commodified media properties. At the intersection of the modern attention economy, heightened articulation of identity-based messaging, and recognition processes is what we term a recognition crisis, in which claims of misrecognition by multiple, conflictual groups are unresolvable and undermine the solidarity that grounds social and political life. We conclude with a roadmap of new opportunities to understand existing research findings and pose new research questions. Moreover, we show that the field of political communication has a great deal to offer discussions of recognition occurring in related fields of the social sciences.
{"title":"Recognition Crisis: Coming to Terms with Identity, Attention and Political Communication in the Twenty-First Century","authors":"Chris Wells, Lewis A. Friedland","doi":"10.1080/10584609.2023.2222267","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2023.2222267","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The theory of recognition has much to offer the field of political communication as it struggles to comprehend communicative dysfunctions, political polarization and governing crises across the industrialized democracies. Drawing on the work of Axel Honneth, Charles Taylor, Nancy Fraser and Michele Lamont, as well as more recent contributions, we put recognition theory into conversation with some of our field’s contemporary concerns. In particular, we show how the theory offers depth, nuance and synthesis to progress communication scholars are making in the study of how attention economics and social identity shape perceptions and communications in a hybrid political media system. In the process, we argue that we are experiencing a historically novel phase of recognition, in which the granting and denial of recognition are transformed at the individual level by the affordances of many-to-many social networking platforms, and at the group level by the use of recognition for attracting attention to commodified media properties. At the intersection of the modern attention economy, heightened articulation of identity-based messaging, and recognition processes is what we term a recognition crisis, in which claims of misrecognition by multiple, conflictual groups are unresolvable and undermine the solidarity that grounds social and political life. We conclude with a roadmap of new opportunities to understand existing research findings and pose new research questions. Moreover, we show that the field of political communication has a great deal to offer discussions of recognition occurring in related fields of the social sciences.","PeriodicalId":20264,"journal":{"name":"Political Communication","volume":"40 1","pages":"681 - 699"},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44918581","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-07DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2220666
Patrícia G. C. Rossini
How can political communication embrace diversity if it continues to be guided by theories and models that were not developed to deal with the inclusion of different voices and perspectives? How can political communication move forward if scholarship produced across most of the world continues to be treated as ‘case studies’—which few want to learn from or engage with – while we continue to interpret reality through the lenses of exceptional and privileged societies?
{"title":"Reassessing the Role of Inclusion in Political Communication Research","authors":"Patrícia G. C. Rossini","doi":"10.1080/10584609.2023.2220666","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2023.2220666","url":null,"abstract":"How can political communication embrace diversity if it continues to be guided by theories and models that were not developed to deal with the inclusion of different voices and perspectives? How can political communication move forward if scholarship produced across most of the world continues to be treated as ‘case studies’—which few want to learn from or engage with – while we continue to interpret reality through the lenses of exceptional and privileged societies?","PeriodicalId":20264,"journal":{"name":"Political Communication","volume":"40 1","pages":"676 - 680"},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43262398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-16DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2208057
J. Hamilton, Heidi J. S. Tworek
is important. It’s that it’s readily available. If it isn’t available on microfilm in a library, it can be obtained from another library through interlibrary loan. And the microfilm runs back 150 years. We have studies of simply the papers available in a given library – a group of papers chosen by a librarian who probably did not have in mind creating a representative sample of U.S. newspapers (Stempel & Stewart, 2000, p. 545).
{"title":"Not All the News That’s Fit to Print: The New York Times as a Research Tool","authors":"J. Hamilton, Heidi J. S. Tworek","doi":"10.1080/10584609.2023.2208057","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2023.2208057","url":null,"abstract":"is important. It’s that it’s readily available. If it isn’t available on microfilm in a library, it can be obtained from another library through interlibrary loan. And the microfilm runs back 150 years. We have studies of simply the papers available in a given library – a group of papers chosen by a librarian who probably did not have in mind creating a representative sample of U.S. newspapers (Stempel & Stewart, 2000, p. 545).","PeriodicalId":20264,"journal":{"name":"Political Communication","volume":"40 1","pages":"660 - 669"},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47138184","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-14DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2201175
Jill A. Edy, T. Adams
ABSTRACT Political leaders construct meanings for current events in support of their existing policy goals, but the constructed meanings do not change when policy goals change. Consequently, the established narrative of the past becomes part of the policymaking terrain, justifying existing policies and creating criteria for policy success. It must be navigated by leaders seeking to reach their policy objectives. References made by U.S. and Israeli political leaders to the event known as “9/11” from 2002 through 2019 reveal how they renegotiated its meaning as their policy goals evolved. Policy goals at the time of the event shaped the meanings made of the event. As policy goals changed, existing meanings could not be discarded or reshaped at will, nor could 9/11 simply be forgotten. Instead, leaders navigated and amended the inescapable public memory of 9/11 to support varying policy goals over a 20-year time span. For Israel, 9/11 made a chronic problem an international cause célèbre, offering potential to generate international response to a commonly marginalized threat, a narrative prime ministers sought to adapt as their policy goals changed. In the U.S. the George W. Bush Administration’s narrative of 9/11 promoted and sustained the administration’s policies and goals, making it difficult for Barack Obama’s administration to change course unless it could tell a different story. Both cases demonstrate that arguments made for or against policies are contingent upon how the past is narrated. Collective remembrance can affect the contours of public policy, for the remembered past constitutes the terrain of policymaking.
{"title":"The Past as Political Terrain: How National Leaders Navigate Memories of 9/11","authors":"Jill A. Edy, T. Adams","doi":"10.1080/10584609.2023.2201175","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2023.2201175","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Political leaders construct meanings for current events in support of their existing policy goals, but the constructed meanings do not change when policy goals change. Consequently, the established narrative of the past becomes part of the policymaking terrain, justifying existing policies and creating criteria for policy success. It must be navigated by leaders seeking to reach their policy objectives. References made by U.S. and Israeli political leaders to the event known as “9/11” from 2002 through 2019 reveal how they renegotiated its meaning as their policy goals evolved. Policy goals at the time of the event shaped the meanings made of the event. As policy goals changed, existing meanings could not be discarded or reshaped at will, nor could 9/11 simply be forgotten. Instead, leaders navigated and amended the inescapable public memory of 9/11 to support varying policy goals over a 20-year time span. For Israel, 9/11 made a chronic problem an international cause célèbre, offering potential to generate international response to a commonly marginalized threat, a narrative prime ministers sought to adapt as their policy goals changed. In the U.S. the George W. Bush Administration’s narrative of 9/11 promoted and sustained the administration’s policies and goals, making it difficult for Barack Obama’s administration to change course unless it could tell a different story. Both cases demonstrate that arguments made for or against policies are contingent upon how the past is narrated. Collective remembrance can affect the contours of public policy, for the remembered past constitutes the terrain of policymaking.","PeriodicalId":20264,"journal":{"name":"Political Communication","volume":"40 1","pages":"810 - 826"},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47461314","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-09DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2207492
King-wa Fu
ABSTRACT While many previous studies have investigated propaganda in connection with misinformation, disinformation, or “fake news” campaigns, they have given insufficient attention to the political messages which are not squarely factually inaccurate but manipulated. This study identifies a political communication strategy, the propagandization of relative gratification, through which propaganda media 1) highlight global chaos to nudge the public’s downward comparison to a relatively stable domestic situation; 2) portray the nation’s adversaries as worse than its allies; and 3) leverages the public’s anti-foreign attitude. This study empirically examines Chinese state media’s approach to the coverage of the COVID-19 pandemic in 46 countries in 2020 by analyzing more than 3 million Chinese social media posts using the semantic similarity found in word embedding models. The results reveal that the global pandemic was depicted by the state media as generally more severe than China’s domestic situation. The more distant a foreign country’s relationship with China, the more severe its COVID-19 representation in China’s propaganda, deviating from the country’s actual epidemiological severity and what the Chinese general public thinks about it, indicating that a country’s relationship with China is an important predictor of how its COVID-19 severity was presented in China’s state media. This study extends the understanding of the sophisticated nature of propaganda in the current era.
{"title":"Propagandization of Relative Gratification: How Chinese State Media Portray the International Pandemic","authors":"King-wa Fu","doi":"10.1080/10584609.2023.2207492","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2023.2207492","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT While many previous studies have investigated propaganda in connection with misinformation, disinformation, or “fake news” campaigns, they have given insufficient attention to the political messages which are not squarely factually inaccurate but manipulated. This study identifies a political communication strategy, the propagandization of relative gratification, through which propaganda media 1) highlight global chaos to nudge the public’s downward comparison to a relatively stable domestic situation; 2) portray the nation’s adversaries as worse than its allies; and 3) leverages the public’s anti-foreign attitude. This study empirically examines Chinese state media’s approach to the coverage of the COVID-19 pandemic in 46 countries in 2020 by analyzing more than 3 million Chinese social media posts using the semantic similarity found in word embedding models. The results reveal that the global pandemic was depicted by the state media as generally more severe than China’s domestic situation. The more distant a foreign country’s relationship with China, the more severe its COVID-19 representation in China’s propaganda, deviating from the country’s actual epidemiological severity and what the Chinese general public thinks about it, indicating that a country’s relationship with China is an important predictor of how its COVID-19 severity was presented in China’s state media. This study extends the understanding of the sophisticated nature of propaganda in the current era.","PeriodicalId":20264,"journal":{"name":"Political Communication","volume":"40 1","pages":"788 - 809"},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42218569","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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