Pub Date : 2023-08-09DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2243852
Sang Jung Kim, Isabel I. Villanueva, Kaiping Chen
{"title":"Going Beyond Affective Polarization: How Emotions and Identities are Used in Anti-Vaccination TikTok Videos","authors":"Sang Jung Kim, Isabel I. Villanueva, Kaiping Chen","doi":"10.1080/10584609.2023.2243852","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2023.2243852","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":20264,"journal":{"name":"Political Communication","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48000701","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-21DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2238652
F. Arendt
ABSTRACT The media are assumed to play a key role in democratization. Much of the available evidence on the media’s role in democratic transitions is based on a comparative and global perspective, focusing on rather recent key political events. Although democratization is conceptualized as a process that occurs over a long time, there is limited longitudinal evidence. Focusing on Austria, we used a long-term macro-level perspective ranging from 1816 to 1932, including the transition from authoritarian rule (monarchy) to democracy (republic). Grounded in previous research on the demonstration effect, we investigated whether the press contributed to democratization processes. Content-analytic data on the Vienna-based press were used to assess the salience of the idea of democracy in the press for each year of the observation period: How much did the press report on democratic ideals, such as freedom or equality? The level of democratization was assessed using three available longitudinal measures of democratization. Using autoregressive integrated moving average (ARIMA) modeling to account for autocorrelation and the trend in the time series, we show that there was a covariation between increases in the salience of the idea of democracy in the press and increases in the level of democratization. Furthermore, we found that a higher salience of the idea of democracy in the press in a given year “Granger-caused” (i.e. prospectively predicted) future increases in the level of democratization. Although we acknowledge the limitations in terms of causal interpretations, these findings are consistent with the idea of a long-term macro-level media effect.
{"title":"The Media and Democratization: A Long-Term Macro-Level Perspective on the Role of the Press During a Democratic Transition","authors":"F. Arendt","doi":"10.1080/10584609.2023.2238652","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2023.2238652","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The media are assumed to play a key role in democratization. Much of the available evidence on the media’s role in democratic transitions is based on a comparative and global perspective, focusing on rather recent key political events. Although democratization is conceptualized as a process that occurs over a long time, there is limited longitudinal evidence. Focusing on Austria, we used a long-term macro-level perspective ranging from 1816 to 1932, including the transition from authoritarian rule (monarchy) to democracy (republic). Grounded in previous research on the demonstration effect, we investigated whether the press contributed to democratization processes. Content-analytic data on the Vienna-based press were used to assess the salience of the idea of democracy in the press for each year of the observation period: How much did the press report on democratic ideals, such as freedom or equality? The level of democratization was assessed using three available longitudinal measures of democratization. Using autoregressive integrated moving average (ARIMA) modeling to account for autocorrelation and the trend in the time series, we show that there was a covariation between increases in the salience of the idea of democracy in the press and increases in the level of democratization. Furthermore, we found that a higher salience of the idea of democracy in the press in a given year “Granger-caused” (i.e. prospectively predicted) future increases in the level of democratization. Although we acknowledge the limitations in terms of causal interpretations, these findings are consistent with the idea of a long-term macro-level media effect.","PeriodicalId":20264,"journal":{"name":"Political Communication","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2023-07-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43508756","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-11DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2233911
Yingjie Fan, Jennifer Pan, Jaymee Sheng
How do state-controlled broadcasters reach foreign publics to engage in public diplomacy in the era of social media? Previous research suggests that features unique to social media, such as the ability to engage in two-way communication with audiences, provide state-controlled broadcasters new opportunities for online public diplo-macy. In this paper, we examine what strategies were used by four Chinese state-controlled media outlets on Twitter to reach foreign publics as the Chinese Communist Party worked to expand its public diplomacy and international media outreach e ff orts. We fi nd that all outlets increased the volume and diversity of content while none engaged in interactive, two-way communication with audiences, and none appeared to arti fi cially in fl ate their follower count. One outlet, China Global Television Network, made outsized gains in followership, and it di ff ers from the other Chinese outlets in that it was rebranded, it disseminated a relatively lower share of government-mandated narratives pertaining to China, and the tone of its reporting was more negative. These results show that during a period when Chinese state-controlled broadcasters gained followers on Twitter, outlets made limited use of features unique to social media and instead primarily used social media as a broadcast channel.
在社交媒体时代，国家控制的广播公司如何接触外国公众参与公共外交？先前的研究表明，社交媒体特有的功能，如与观众进行双向沟通的能力，为国家控制的广播公司提供了在线公共外交的新机会。在这篇论文中，我们研究了四家中国国有媒体在推特上使用了什么策略来接触外国公众，因为中国共产党正在努力扩大其公共外交和国际媒体外联活动。我们发现，所有媒体都增加了内容的数量和多样性，而没有一家媒体与观众进行互动、双向交流，也没有一家似乎在提高其追随者数量。中国环球电视网（China Global Television Network）是一家收视率极高的电视台，它与其他中国电视台的不同之处在于，它被重新命名，传播的政府授权的与中国有关的叙事比例相对较低，报道的基调更为负面。这些结果表明，在中国国家控制的广播公司在推特上获得粉丝的时期，媒体有限地使用社交媒体特有的功能，而主要将社交媒体作为广播渠道。
{"title":"Strategies of Chinese State Media on Twitter","authors":"Yingjie Fan, Jennifer Pan, Jaymee Sheng","doi":"10.1080/10584609.2023.2233911","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2023.2233911","url":null,"abstract":"How do state-controlled broadcasters reach foreign publics to engage in public diplomacy in the era of social media? Previous research suggests that features unique to social media, such as the ability to engage in two-way communication with audiences, provide state-controlled broadcasters new opportunities for online public diplo-macy. In this paper, we examine what strategies were used by four Chinese state-controlled media outlets on Twitter to reach foreign publics as the Chinese Communist Party worked to expand its public diplomacy and international media outreach e ff orts. We fi nd that all outlets increased the volume and diversity of content while none engaged in interactive, two-way communication with audiences, and none appeared to arti fi cially in fl ate their follower count. One outlet, China Global Television Network, made outsized gains in followership, and it di ff ers from the other Chinese outlets in that it was rebranded, it disseminated a relatively lower share of government-mandated narratives pertaining to China, and the tone of its reporting was more negative. These results show that during a period when Chinese state-controlled broadcasters gained followers on Twitter, outlets made limited use of features unique to social media and instead primarily used social media as a broadcast channel.","PeriodicalId":20264,"journal":{"name":"Political Communication","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2023-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46152120","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-11DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2232752
Jorge M. Fernandes, Miguel Won
ABSTRACT The emergence of the radical right signals that social norms and values are changing. Existing literature suggests that citizens choose to voice their concerns when faced with the erosion of democracy. In this paper, we look at the consequences of citizens using quoted tweets to express negative sentiments to denounce and discredit the radical right. Using Twitter data from Portugal, we use node embeddings to map out interactions on social media. Subsequently, we estimate a deep-learning automated sentiment analysis of quoted tweets and use a vector auto-regression model to forecast who contributes the most to the growth of the radical right on Twitter. Our findings show that users amplify the radical right’s original message via weak ties and cascade effects in making negative quoted tweets. Ultimately, denouncing the radical right backfires and helps nascent illiberal parties to reach out to more users in the network and gain more users.
{"title":"The Unintended Consequences of Amplifying the Radical Right on Twitter","authors":"Jorge M. Fernandes, Miguel Won","doi":"10.1080/10584609.2023.2232752","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2023.2232752","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The emergence of the radical right signals that social norms and values are changing. Existing literature suggests that citizens choose to voice their concerns when faced with the erosion of democracy. In this paper, we look at the consequences of citizens using quoted tweets to express negative sentiments to denounce and discredit the radical right. Using Twitter data from Portugal, we use node embeddings to map out interactions on social media. Subsequently, we estimate a deep-learning automated sentiment analysis of quoted tweets and use a vector auto-regression model to forecast who contributes the most to the growth of the radical right on Twitter. Our findings show that users amplify the radical right’s original message via weak ties and cascade effects in making negative quoted tweets. Ultimately, denouncing the radical right backfires and helps nascent illiberal parties to reach out to more users in the network and gain more users.","PeriodicalId":20264,"journal":{"name":"Political Communication","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2023-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43201948","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-08DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2233444
D. Kuznetsova
{"title":"Broadcasting Messages via Telegram: Pro-Government Social Media Control During the 2020 Protests in Belarus and 2022 Anti-War Protests in Russia","authors":"D. Kuznetsova","doi":"10.1080/10584609.2023.2233444","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2023.2233444","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":20264,"journal":{"name":"Political Communication","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2023-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44945995","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-27DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2229780
Stewart M. Coles, D. Lane
ABSTRACT Despite the centrality of race and ethnicity in social and political life, they are often absent from studies of the urgent questions in contemporary political communication research. In this essay introducing a special issue focused on “Race and Ethnicity as Foundational Forces in Political Communication,” we examine factors that may contribute to the relative absence of race/ethnicity in the political communication scholarship, including: 1) structural inequalities in the field, 2) contested conceptualizations of race, and 3) the domination of certain epistemological and methodological traditions. We introduce the articles in this issue as a means of moving toward a richer integration of race/ethnicity into the field’s “big questions” and expanding the boundaries of the field itself. In making a case for a more robust conversation about race and ethnicity in political communication, we note crucial areas for self-reflection, debate, and inspiration.
{"title":"Race and Ethnicity as Foundational Forces in Political Communication: Special Issue Introduction","authors":"Stewart M. Coles, D. Lane","doi":"10.1080/10584609.2023.2229780","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2023.2229780","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Despite the centrality of race and ethnicity in social and political life, they are often absent from studies of the urgent questions in contemporary political communication research. In this essay introducing a special issue focused on “Race and Ethnicity as Foundational Forces in Political Communication,” we examine factors that may contribute to the relative absence of race/ethnicity in the political communication scholarship, including: 1) structural inequalities in the field, 2) contested conceptualizations of race, and 3) the domination of certain epistemological and methodological traditions. We introduce the articles in this issue as a means of moving toward a richer integration of race/ethnicity into the field’s “big questions” and expanding the boundaries of the field itself. In making a case for a more robust conversation about race and ethnicity in political communication, we note crucial areas for self-reflection, debate, and inspiration.","PeriodicalId":20264,"journal":{"name":"Political Communication","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46702384","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-22DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2222370
Michael Bossetta, Anamaria Dutceac Segesten, Duje Bonacci
ABSTRACT Political communication research has long sought to understand the effects of cross-cutting exposure on political participation. Here, we argue for a paradigm shift that acknowledges the agency of citizens as producers of cross-cutting expression on social media. We define cross-cutting expression as political communication through speech or behavior within a counter-attitudinal space. After explicating our conceptualization of cross-cutting expression, we empirically explore: its extent, its relationship to political arguments, and its implications for digital campaigning during the 2016 Brexit Referendum. Our dataset, comprising 2,198,741 comments from 344,884 users, is built from Facebook comments to three public campaign pages active during the Brexit referendum: StrongerIn, VoteLeave, and LeaveEU. We utilize reactions data to sort partisans into “Remain” and “Brexit” camps and, thereafter, chart users’ commenting flows across the three pages. We estimate 29% of comments to be cross-cutting, and we find strong correlations between cross-cutting expression and reasoned political arguments. Then, to better understand how cross-cutting expression may influence political participation on social media, we topic model the dataset to identify the political themes discussed during the Brexit debate on Facebook. Our findings suggest that political Facebook pages are not echo chambers, that cross-cutting expression correlates with reasoned political arguments, and that cross-cutting expression may influence the online voter mobilization potential of political Facebook pages.
{"title":"Reconceptualizing Cross-Cutting Political Expression on Social Media: A Case Study of Facebook Comments During the 2016 Brexit Referendum","authors":"Michael Bossetta, Anamaria Dutceac Segesten, Duje Bonacci","doi":"10.1080/10584609.2023.2222370","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2023.2222370","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Political communication research has long sought to understand the effects of cross-cutting exposure on political participation. Here, we argue for a paradigm shift that acknowledges the agency of citizens as producers of cross-cutting expression on social media. We define cross-cutting expression as political communication through speech or behavior within a counter-attitudinal space. After explicating our conceptualization of cross-cutting expression, we empirically explore: its extent, its relationship to political arguments, and its implications for digital campaigning during the 2016 Brexit Referendum. Our dataset, comprising 2,198,741 comments from 344,884 users, is built from Facebook comments to three public campaign pages active during the Brexit referendum: StrongerIn, VoteLeave, and LeaveEU. We utilize reactions data to sort partisans into “Remain” and “Brexit” camps and, thereafter, chart users’ commenting flows across the three pages. We estimate 29% of comments to be cross-cutting, and we find strong correlations between cross-cutting expression and reasoned political arguments. Then, to better understand how cross-cutting expression may influence political participation on social media, we topic model the dataset to identify the political themes discussed during the Brexit debate on Facebook. Our findings suggest that political Facebook pages are not echo chambers, that cross-cutting expression correlates with reasoned political arguments, and that cross-cutting expression may influence the online voter mobilization potential of political Facebook pages.","PeriodicalId":20264,"journal":{"name":"Political Communication","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44814669","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-16DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2222382
Ceren Budak, Natalie Jomini Stroud, Ashley Muddiman, Caroline C. Murray, Yujin Kim
ABSTRACT In today’s fragmented media environment, it is unclear whether the correspondence between media agendas that characterizes intermedia agenda setting persists. Through a combination of manual and computerized content analysis of 486,068 paragraphs of COVID−19 coverage across 4,589 cable and broadcast news transcripts, we analyze second and third-level attribute agenda setting, both in terms of central themes and aspects. Through the lens of the issue attention cycle, we assess whether relationships among media agendas change over time. The results show that even in a fragmented media environment, there is considerable evidence of intermedia agenda setting. The attribute agendas were largely similar across outlets despite the similarity slightly decreasing over time. The findings suggest that there was only modest evidence for the prominent perception of fragmented coverage for cable and broadcast news networks’ attribute agendas concerning the COVID−19 pandemic.
{"title":"The Stability of Cable and Broadcast News Intermedia Agenda Setting Across the COVID-19 Issue Attention Cycle","authors":"Ceren Budak, Natalie Jomini Stroud, Ashley Muddiman, Caroline C. Murray, Yujin Kim","doi":"10.1080/10584609.2023.2222382","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2023.2222382","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In today’s fragmented media environment, it is unclear whether the correspondence between media agendas that characterizes intermedia agenda setting persists. Through a combination of manual and computerized content analysis of 486,068 paragraphs of COVID−19 coverage across 4,589 cable and broadcast news transcripts, we analyze second and third-level attribute agenda setting, both in terms of central themes and aspects. Through the lens of the issue attention cycle, we assess whether relationships among media agendas change over time. The results show that even in a fragmented media environment, there is considerable evidence of intermedia agenda setting. The attribute agendas were largely similar across outlets despite the similarity slightly decreasing over time. The findings suggest that there was only modest evidence for the prominent perception of fragmented coverage for cable and broadcast news networks’ attribute agendas concerning the COVID−19 pandemic.","PeriodicalId":20264,"journal":{"name":"Political Communication","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47371560","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-15DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2222070
Atle Haugsgjerd, Rune Karlsen, Kari Steen-Johnsen
ABSTRACT This article examines how the use of social media for news affects citizens’ knowledge about politics and current affairs. We employ a two-dimensional perspective on political knowledge and investigate how factual political knowledge, confidence in that knowledge, and misinformation, understood as the mismatch between factual political knowledge and confidence in knowledge, are related to social media news consumption. While earlier studies have suggested a negative relationship between social media news consumption and factual knowledge, there are indications that social media use may give people a general sense of being informed, even when they are not. Such general subjective knowledge might, however, differ from confidence in retrieved facts. Drawing on a two-wave panel study from Norway, we find evidence of a negative relationship between social media news consumption and both dimensions of knowledge. Notably, however, we do not find that social media news use leads to confidence in incorrect beliefs, suggesting that the digital media environment produces an uninformed, but not an overconfident, misinformed news audience.
{"title":"Uninformed or Misinformed in the Digital News Environment? How Social Media News Use Affects Two Dimensions of Political Knowledge","authors":"Atle Haugsgjerd, Rune Karlsen, Kari Steen-Johnsen","doi":"10.1080/10584609.2023.2222070","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2023.2222070","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines how the use of social media for news affects citizens’ knowledge about politics and current affairs. We employ a two-dimensional perspective on political knowledge and investigate how factual political knowledge, confidence in that knowledge, and misinformation, understood as the mismatch between factual political knowledge and confidence in knowledge, are related to social media news consumption. While earlier studies have suggested a negative relationship between social media news consumption and factual knowledge, there are indications that social media use may give people a general sense of being informed, even when they are not. Such general subjective knowledge might, however, differ from confidence in retrieved facts. Drawing on a two-wave panel study from Norway, we find evidence of a negative relationship between social media news consumption and both dimensions of knowledge. Notably, however, we do not find that social media news use leads to confidence in incorrect beliefs, suggesting that the digital media environment produces an uninformed, but not an overconfident, misinformed news audience.","PeriodicalId":20264,"journal":{"name":"Political Communication","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44529606","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-09DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2222364
Yujin Kim, Jessica R. Collier, Caroline C. Murray, Natalie Jomini Stroud
ABSTRACT Although diverse political networks are seen as democratically valuable, online social networks enable the construction and maintenance of networks that are less diverse. In this study, we explore the cultivation of like-minded networks through blocking those sharing counter-attitudinal partisan memes and engaging with pro-attitudinal partisan memes. We then test the efficacy of an intervention to reduce the spread of homophily-inducing partisan memes. We present four experiments. Study 1 establishes that people react differently to partisan memes than to partisan news. Studies 1–4 confirm that people react differently to pro- and counter-attitudinal memes. Studies 3 and 4 provide limited evidence that reminding people of the diversity of their online networks can reduce digital behaviors that produce more homophilous networks. The results provide initial evidence that partisan memes may give rise to a spiral of homophily.
{"title":"Partisan Memes as a Catalyst for Homophilous Networks","authors":"Yujin Kim, Jessica R. Collier, Caroline C. Murray, Natalie Jomini Stroud","doi":"10.1080/10584609.2023.2222364","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2023.2222364","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Although diverse political networks are seen as democratically valuable, online social networks enable the construction and maintenance of networks that are less diverse. In this study, we explore the cultivation of like-minded networks through blocking those sharing counter-attitudinal partisan memes and engaging with pro-attitudinal partisan memes. We then test the efficacy of an intervention to reduce the spread of homophily-inducing partisan memes. We present four experiments. Study 1 establishes that people react differently to partisan memes than to partisan news. Studies 1–4 confirm that people react differently to pro- and counter-attitudinal memes. Studies 3 and 4 provide limited evidence that reminding people of the diversity of their online networks can reduce digital behaviors that produce more homophilous networks. The results provide initial evidence that partisan memes may give rise to a spiral of homophily.","PeriodicalId":20264,"journal":{"name":"Political Communication","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46388151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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