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Recognition Crisis: Coming to Terms with Identity, Attention and Political Communication in the Twenty-First Century 认知危机:21世纪的认同、关注与政治传播
IF 7.5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-08 DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2222267
Chris Wells, Lewis A. Friedland
ABSTRACT The theory of recognition has much to offer the field of political communication as it struggles to comprehend communicative dysfunctions, political polarization and governing crises across the industrialized democracies. Drawing on the work of Axel Honneth, Charles Taylor, Nancy Fraser and Michele Lamont, as well as more recent contributions, we put recognition theory into conversation with some of our field’s contemporary concerns. In particular, we show how the theory offers depth, nuance and synthesis to progress communication scholars are making in the study of how attention economics and social identity shape perceptions and communications in a hybrid political media system. In the process, we argue that we are experiencing a historically novel phase of recognition, in which the granting and denial of recognition are transformed at the individual level by the affordances of many-to-many social networking platforms, and at the group level by the use of recognition for attracting attention to commodified media properties. At the intersection of the modern attention economy, heightened articulation of identity-based messaging, and recognition processes is what we term a recognition crisis, in which claims of misrecognition by multiple, conflictual groups are unresolvable and undermine the solidarity that grounds social and political life. We conclude with a roadmap of new opportunities to understand existing research findings and pose new research questions. Moreover, we show that the field of political communication has a great deal to offer discussions of recognition occurring in related fields of the social sciences.
承认理论在政治传播领域有很大的作用,因为它很难理解工业化民主国家的沟通障碍、政治两极分化和治理危机。根据Axel Honneth、Charles Taylor、Nancy Fraser和Michele Lamont的工作,以及最近的贡献,我们将认知理论与我们领域的一些当代关注点进行了对话。特别是,我们展示了该理论如何为传播学者在研究注意力经济学和社会身份如何在混合政治媒体系统中塑造感知和传播方面取得的进展提供深度、细微差别和综合。在这个过程中,我们认为,我们正在经历一个历史上新颖的认可阶段,在这个阶段,通过多对多社交网络平台的可供性,在个人层面上,通过利用认可来吸引人们对商品化媒体属性的关注,来改变对认可的给予和拒绝。在现代注意力经济的交叉点上,基于身份的信息传递和识别过程的高度表达是我们所说的识别危机,在这种危机中,多个冲突群体的错误识别是无法解决的,并破坏了社会和政治生活的团结。最后,我们提出了一个新的机会路线图,以了解现有的研究结果并提出新的研究问题。此外,我们还表明,政治传播领域在社会科学的相关领域中有很多值得讨论的问题。
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引用次数: 1
Reassessing the Role of Inclusion in Political Communication Research 重新评价包容性在政治传播研究中的作用
IF 7.5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-07 DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2220666
Patrícia G. C. Rossini
How can political communication embrace diversity if it continues to be guided by theories and models that were not developed to deal with the inclusion of different voices and perspectives? How can political communication move forward if scholarship produced across most of the world continues to be treated as ‘case studies’—which few want to learn from or engage with – while we continue to interpret reality through the lenses of exceptional and privileged societies?
如果政治传播继续以非为处理不同声音和观点的包容性而发展的理论和模式为指导,那么它如何才能拥抱多样性?如果世界上大多数地区产生的学术成果继续被视为“案例研究”——很少有人想学习或参与——而我们继续通过特殊和特权社会的视角来解释现实,那么政治交流如何向前发展?
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引用次数: 2
Not All the News That’s Fit to Print: The New York Times as a Research Tool 并非所有新闻都适合印刷:《纽约时报》作为一种研究工具
IF 7.5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-16 DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2208057
J. Hamilton, Heidi J. S. Tworek
is important. It’s that it’s readily available. If it isn’t available on microfilm in a library, it can be obtained from another library through interlibrary loan. And the microfilm runs back 150 years. We have studies of simply the papers available in a given library – a group of papers chosen by a librarian who probably did not have in mind creating a representative sample of U.S. newspapers (Stempel & Stewart, 2000, p. 545).
重要。它是现成的。如果图书馆的缩微胶卷上没有,可以通过馆际借阅的方式从另一家图书馆获得。缩微胶卷可以追溯到150年前。我们只研究了某个图书馆中可用的论文——一组由图书管理员选择的论文,他可能没有考虑创建一个具有代表性的美国报纸样本(Stempel&Stewart,2000,第545页)。
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引用次数: 0
The Past as Political Terrain: How National Leaders Navigate Memories of 9/11 作为政治地形的过去:国家领导人如何驾驭9/11的记忆
IF 7.5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-14 DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2201175
Jill A. Edy, T. Adams
ABSTRACT Political leaders construct meanings for current events in support of their existing policy goals, but the constructed meanings do not change when policy goals change. Consequently, the established narrative of the past becomes part of the policymaking terrain, justifying existing policies and creating criteria for policy success. It must be navigated by leaders seeking to reach their policy objectives. References made by U.S. and Israeli political leaders to the event known as “9/11” from 2002 through 2019 reveal how they renegotiated its meaning as their policy goals evolved. Policy goals at the time of the event shaped the meanings made of the event. As policy goals changed, existing meanings could not be discarded or reshaped at will, nor could 9/11 simply be forgotten. Instead, leaders navigated and amended the inescapable public memory of 9/11 to support varying policy goals over a 20-year time span. For Israel, 9/11 made a chronic problem an international cause célèbre, offering potential to generate international response to a commonly marginalized threat, a narrative prime ministers sought to adapt as their policy goals changed. In the U.S. the George W. Bush Administration’s narrative of 9/11 promoted and sustained the administration’s policies and goals, making it difficult for Barack Obama’s administration to change course unless it could tell a different story. Both cases demonstrate that arguments made for or against policies are contingent upon how the past is narrated. Collective remembrance can affect the contours of public policy, for the remembered past constitutes the terrain of policymaking.
摘要政治领导人为当前事件构建意义,以支持他们现有的政策目标,但当政策目标改变时,构建的意义不会改变。因此,对过去的既定叙述成为决策领域的一部分,为现有政策辩护,并为政策成功制定标准。它必须由寻求实现其政策目标的领导人来驾驭。美国和以色列政治领导人提到2002年至2019年的“9/11”事件,揭示了他们是如何随着政策目标的演变而重新谈判其含义的。事件发生时的政策目标决定了事件的意义。随着政策目标的改变,现有的含义不能随意丢弃或重塑,9/11也不能简单地被遗忘。相反,领导人驾驭并修正了公众对9/11不可避免的记忆,以支持20年来不同的政策目标。对以色列来说,9/11使一个长期存在的问题成为一项国际事业,为国际社会应对一种普遍被边缘化的威胁提供了潜力,总理们试图随着政策目标的变化而适应这种说法。在美国,乔治·W·布什政府对9/11的叙述促进并维持了政府的政策和目标,这使得巴拉克·奥巴马政府很难改变方向,除非它能讲述一个不同的故事。这两起案件都表明,支持或反对政策的论点取决于过去的叙述方式。集体记忆可以影响公共政策的轮廓,因为被记忆的过去构成了政策制定的领域。
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引用次数: 1
Propagandization of Relative Gratification: How Chinese State Media Portray the International Pandemic 相对感恩的宣传:中国官方媒体如何报道国际大流行病
IF 7.5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-09 DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2207492
King-wa Fu
ABSTRACT While many previous studies have investigated propaganda in connection with misinformation, disinformation, or “fake news” campaigns, they have given insufficient attention to the political messages which are not squarely factually inaccurate but manipulated. This study identifies a political communication strategy, the propagandization of relative gratification, through which propaganda media 1) highlight global chaos to nudge the public’s downward comparison to a relatively stable domestic situation; 2) portray the nation’s adversaries as worse than its allies; and 3) leverages the public’s anti-foreign attitude. This study empirically examines Chinese state media’s approach to the coverage of the COVID-19 pandemic in 46 countries in 2020 by analyzing more than 3 million Chinese social media posts using the semantic similarity found in word embedding models. The results reveal that the global pandemic was depicted by the state media as generally more severe than China’s domestic situation. The more distant a foreign country’s relationship with China, the more severe its COVID-19 representation in China’s propaganda, deviating from the country’s actual epidemiological severity and what the Chinese general public thinks about it, indicating that a country’s relationship with China is an important predictor of how its COVID-19 severity was presented in China’s state media. This study extends the understanding of the sophisticated nature of propaganda in the current era.
虽然许多先前的研究已经调查了与错误信息、虚假信息或“假新闻”运动有关的宣传,但他们对政治信息的关注不够,这些政治信息并非完全不准确,而是被操纵的。本研究确定了一种政治传播策略,即相对满足的宣传,通过这种宣传媒体,1)强调全球混乱,推动公众向下比较相对稳定的国内局势;2)把美国的对手描绘得比盟友更糟糕;3)利用公众的排外态度。本研究通过使用词嵌入模型中的语义相似度分析300多万条中国社交媒体帖子,实证检验了中国官方媒体在2020年对46个国家COVID-19大流行的报道方法。结果显示,官方媒体描述的全球大流行总体上比中国国内的情况更严重。一个国家与中国的关系越远,其在中国宣传中的新冠肺炎表征就越严重,偏离该国实际的流行病学严重程度和中国公众的看法,这表明一个国家与中国的关系是中国官方媒体如何呈现其新冠肺炎严重程度的重要预测指标。本研究扩展了对当今时代宣传复杂性的理解。
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引用次数: 1
(Digital) Campaigning in Dissonant Public Spheres (数字)在不和谐的公共领域进行竞选
IF 7.5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2173872
Karolina Koc-Michalska, U. Klinger, L. Bennett, Andrea Römmele
ABSTRACT With the advent of digital media and social media platforms, the speed of innovation and technology adoption in campaigns have increased tremendously. At the same time, the campaign environment and its rules are in constant flow, as platform logics, party operations, and voter alignments both reflect and create instability in many political systems. Additionally, disinformation, foreign interference in campaigns, hyper-partisan media ecologies, and hyperactive users have all created changes in opinion climates. In light of these developments, and building on the theoretical concept of increasingly disrupted and dissonant public spheres (developed by Barbara Pfetsch and Lance Bennett), this special issue seeks to expand research on campaigning beyond assumptions of well-functioning political systems, to better understand the erosion of institutional legitimacy and trust, and their effects on communication processes. The special issue is organized within two conceptual approaches. The first cluster of manuscripts observes how political candidates, organizations, and parties optimize their behaviour within the dissonant political environment. The second part examines responses, perceptions, and consequences of the disrupted environment on the public. Finally, four integrated forum essays look into how dissonant public spheres may disturb democratic processes, discuss the role of data-driven campaigning, and address how limited access to platform data affects our understanding of dissonant public spheres.
摘要随着数字媒体和社交媒体平台的出现,活动中的创新和技术采用速度大幅提高。与此同时,竞选环境及其规则不断变化,因为平台逻辑、政党运作和选民结盟都反映并造成了许多政治制度的不稳定。此外,虚假信息、外国对竞选活动的干预、超党派的媒体生态和过度活跃的用户都造成了舆论氛围的变化。鉴于这些发展,并在日益混乱和不和谐的公共领域的理论概念(由Barbara Pfetsch和Lance Bennett提出)的基础上,本期特刊试图将对竞选活动的研究扩展到对运作良好的政治制度的假设之外,以更好地理解制度合法性和信任的侵蚀,以及它们对沟通过程的影响。特刊分为两种概念方法。第一组手稿观察了政治候选人、组织和政党如何在不和谐的政治环境中优化自己的行为。第二部分考察了被破坏的环境对公众的反应、看法和后果。最后,四篇综合论坛文章探讨了不和谐的公共领域如何扰乱民主进程,讨论了数据驱动的竞选活动的作用,并探讨了对平台数据的有限访问如何影响我们对不和谐公共领域的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Data-Driven Campaigning as a Disruptive Force 数据驱动的竞选是一种颠覆性力量
IF 7.5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2207486
R. Gibson
Concern about whether contemporary societies face a “crisis of democracy” has grown in recent years (Kreisi, 2020). While the severity of the malaise may be disputed, there is growing suspicion that the increasing reliance of political actors on digital technology and particularly new “data driven” campaign techniques may be contributing to growth in citizen disengagement and discontent (Bennett & Lyon, 2019). The grounds for this claim are essentially three-fold. First, data-driven campaigns promote a more individualized form of political targeting that allows parties to narrow their appeals to the most persuadable and “perceived” sections of the electorate (Hersh, 2015), and thereby effectively bypass those harder to reach groups of under-mobilized voters, i.e. the young, the disinterested, and the marginalized. Furthermore, through these microtargeting techniques, campaigners can more accurately target demobilizing messages at opposition supporters to dissuade them from turning out. Second, social media platforms provide powerful new channels for the release of automated, anonymized, false information or “computational propaganda” by rogue actors, both foreign and domestic. These disinformation campaigns are explicitly designed to mislead and confuse voters and are escalating in scale and sophistication (Woolley & Howard, 2018). Finally, campaigns themselves are now increasingly reliant on the “wisdom” of AI and computer modeling for basic tasks such as resource allocation and message construction. This shift creates a new technological elite at the heart of campaigns that operate in an opaque and unaccountable manner (Tufekci, 2014). The combined impact of these developments is a further shrinking of the public sphere and decline in the representativeness and accountability of democratic institutions. Voters who do actually make it the polls face the increasingly difficult task of making an informed choice, as they struggle to discern both the accuracy and source of the political content they encounter online. Given the potentially serious harms that DDC presents to democracy, systematic investigation of its adoption and usage across countries is now a priority for academic research. This is precisely the goal of a new ERC funded project, Digital Campaigning and Electoral Democracy (DiCED). In this short essay we highlight in brief, the key questions the project will pursue and that we urge the wider literature to explore.
近年来,人们越来越担心当代社会是否面临“民主危机”(Kreisi,2020)。尽管这种不适的严重性可能存在争议,但人们越来越怀疑,政治行为者越来越依赖数字技术,尤其是新的“数据驱动”竞选技术,可能会导致公民脱离接触和不满情绪的增长(Bennett&Lyon,2019)。这一主张的理由基本上有三个方面。首先,数据驱动的竞选活动促进了一种更个性化的政治目标形式,使政党能够将其吸引力缩小到选民中最有说服力和“感知”的部分(Hersh,2015),从而有效地绕过那些动员不足的选民群体,即年轻人、无私者和边缘化者。此外,通过这些微目标技术,活动人士可以更准确地将遣散信息瞄准反对派支持者,以劝阻他们参加。其次,社交媒体平台为国内外流氓行为者发布自动化、匿名、虚假信息或“计算宣传”提供了强大的新渠道。这些虚假信息运动显然是为了误导和混淆选民,其规模和复杂程度正在升级(Woolley&Howard,2018)。最后,竞选活动本身现在越来越依赖人工智能和计算机建模的“智慧”来完成资源分配和消息构建等基本任务。这种转变创造了一个新的技术精英,他们处于以不透明和不负责任的方式运作的竞选活动的核心(Tufekci,2014)。这些事态发展的综合影响是公共领域的进一步缩小以及民主机构的代表性和问责制的下降。真正参加投票的选民面临着越来越困难的任务,即在知情的情况下做出选择,因为他们很难辨别网上遇到的政治内容的准确性和来源。鉴于DDC对民主的潜在严重危害,系统调查其在各国的采用和使用情况现在是学术研究的优先事项。这正是ERC资助的一个新项目“数字竞选和选举民主”(DiCED)的目标。在这篇短文中,我们简要强调了该项目将要追求的关键问题,并敦促更广泛的文献进行探索。
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引用次数: 1
The Data Abyss: How Lack of Data Access Leaves Research and Society in the Dark 数据深渊:缺乏数据访问使研究和社会陷入黑暗
IF 7.5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2207488
Claes H. de Vreese, Rebekah Tromble
ABSTRACT This article articulates why the lack of social media platform data access for researchers is a huge problem, for research and society. We then review a number of ongoing initiatives and opportunities towards ensuring sustainable data accees.
摘要本文阐述了为什么研究人员缺乏社交媒体平台数据访问是研究和社会的一个巨大问题。然后,我们审查了一些正在进行的举措和机会,以确保可持续的数据访问。
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引用次数: 5
Scrollability: A New Digital News Affordance 可滚动性:一种新的数字新闻服务
IF 7.5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-28 DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2208083
Kathleen Searles, Jessica T. Feezell
ABSTRACT Most major platforms and news portals use the feed approach to information display, which offers people the ability to engage in continuous scrolling. This affordance, “scrollability,” is an understudied feature that changes how people consume news. The endless scroll presents opportunities to monetize attention for advertisers, and a seemingly bottomless supply of headlines for news consumers. Moreover, more people report scrolling headlines than actually reading news stories. A scrollable technical environment creates circumstances that encourage headline reading, or what we call “news-scrolling,” and yet we know little about the consequences of scrollability for other behaviors. In this paper we set forth an argument for increased scholarly attention to scrollability in the context of online news consumption, and articulate a theoretical framework for explaining the behaviors of news-scrollers and news-clickers.
大多数主流平台和新闻门户都使用feed方式来显示信息,这为人们提供了持续滚动的能力。这种“可滚动性”是一个未被充分研究的特性,它改变了人们消费新闻的方式。无尽的卷轴为广告商提供了将注意力货币化的机会,为新闻消费者提供了看似取之不尽的头条新闻。此外,更多的人报告滚动标题,而不是真正阅读新闻故事。可滚动的技术环境创造了鼓励标题阅读的环境,或者我们称之为“新闻滚动”,然而我们对可滚动性对其他行为的影响知之甚少。在本文中,我们提出了一个论点,即在在线新闻消费的背景下增加对可滚动性的学术关注,并阐明了一个解释新闻滚动器和新闻点击器行为的理论框架。
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引用次数: 0
Conditions of Campaigning in Dissonant Public Spheres and Crisis of Democracy 游离公共领域的竞选条件与民主危机
IF 7.5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-27 DOI: 10.1080/10584609.2023.2193554
B. Pfetsch
Political campaigns have always been closely related to the technical conditions of media infrastructures, the social conditions of voters, and the political opportunities within which parties and movements compete. As campaigning has developed through the four ages of political communication (Blumler, 2015; Norris, 2002), it is now shaped by the affordances of digital platforms and networked communication ecologies in addition to legacy media infrastructures. In the environment of hybrid media systems (Chadwick, 2013), campaigning has also become hybrid – a task divided between the use of conventional information subsidies and the dynamics of social media and digital platforms (Azari, 2016; Wells et al., 2016). What is more, contemporary political communications and voter mobilization are taking place under two significant context conditions: dissonant public spheres (Pfetsch, 2018) are coinciding with a profound crisis of liberal democracy (Bennett & Livingston, 2018). The communication ecology and the state of democracy have produced a style of campaigning that is no longer geared toward a consensus among the established political elites and parties to engage in civilized speech, to conduct fair competition, and to stay within the limits and norms of democracy. In this essay, I shall discuss some of the features and consequences of these contextual conditions. I shall further argue that the coincidence of disrupted democracy and dissonant public spheres is related to profound structural changes in the party organization, campaigning and political leadership.
政治竞选活动始终与媒体基础设施的技术条件、选民的社会条件以及政党和运动竞争的政治机会密切相关。随着竞选活动在四个政治传播时代的发展(Blumler,2015;Norris,2002),除了传统的媒体基础设施外,它现在还受到数字平台和网络传播生态的影响。在混合媒体系统的环境中(Chadwick,2013),竞选活动也变得混合——这项任务分为传统信息补贴的使用和社交媒体和数字平台的动态(Azari,2016;Wells等人,2016)。此外,当代政治沟通和选民动员是在两个重要的背景条件下进行的:不和谐的公共领域(Pfetsch,2018)与自由民主的深刻危机同时发生(Bennett和Livingston,2018)。传播生态和民主状态产生了一种竞选风格,这种风格不再是为了在既定的政治精英和政党之间达成共识,即进行文明的言论,进行公平的竞争,并保持在民主的限度和规范内。在这篇文章中,我将讨论这些语境条件的一些特征和后果。我将进一步指出,民主被破坏和公共领域不和谐的巧合与党的组织、竞选和政治领导层的深刻结构变化有关。
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引用次数: 1
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Political Communication
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