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Il clima socio-politico prima delle elezioni europee 2019 2019年欧洲选举前的社会政治气候
Pub Date : 2019-12-30 DOI: 10.36253/qoe-8545
M. Pessato, Rado Fonda, R. Benetti
The SWG Institute, together with other European partners (Sigmados, Insa, Opinion-Way and IBRiS), carried out some surveys in the months preceding the European Parliament election 2019 in several European countries in order to measure the political climate perceived by citizens on topics such as: European Union, institutions, emotions and main issues present in national political debates. In the analysis, the convergence and divergence features between Italian and European citizens will be highlighted. Furthermore, in addition to the data concerning the entire population, data regarding specific socio-demographic segments of the electorate will be compared.
SWG研究所与其他欧洲合作伙伴(Sigmados、Insa、Opinion-Way和IBRiS)在2019年欧洲议会选举前几个月在几个欧洲国家进行了一些调查,以衡量公民对欧盟、制度、情绪和国家政治辩论中存在的主要问题等主题的政治气候看法。在分析中,将突出意大利和欧洲公民之间的趋同和分歧特征。此外,除了关于全体人口的数据外,还将比较关于选民中特定社会人口阶层的数据。
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引用次数: 0
Le elezioni europee del 26 maggio 2019 2019年5月26日的欧洲选举
Pub Date : 2019-06-30 DOI: 10.36253/qoe-8550
Davide Angelucci, N. Maggini
Review of elections in Italy, EP election of 26 May 2019 
回顾2019年5月26日意大利议会选举
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引用次数: 1
Il faticoso cammino del PD e della sinistra nel nuovo millennio 民主党和左翼在新千年的艰难道路
Pub Date : 2019-06-30 DOI: 10.36253/qoe-8523
L. Fasano, P. Natale
In this article we take into consideration the difficult path of the Left in the attempt to overcome the ancient paradigm of identity, intrinsically linked to classical communism. We will retrace the electoral history and the consensus for Left and Centre-left parties from the post-war period to the present. We will analyse the transition from “voto di appartenenza” to the current situation of intense electoral volatility. An empirical analysis of the answers provided by the delegates of the Democratic Party from 2007 to 2013 shows how the heirs of the Communist Party have undergone a constant process of fragmentation, both within the camp and within the parties themselves, The work closes with an attempt to understand (and predict) what the future of the difficult path of the Left within the epochal changes of Western society might be.
在本文中,我们将考虑左翼在试图克服与古典共产主义内在联系的古老身份范式时所走的艰难道路。我们将回顾从战后到现在的选举历史和左翼和中左翼政党的共识。我们将分析从“幻影投票”(voto di appartenenza)到当前激烈的选举动荡局势的转变。对民主党代表从2007年到2013年提供的答案进行的实证分析表明,共产党的继承人如何在阵营内部和政党内部经历了一个不断分裂的过程。这项工作以试图理解(并预测)西方社会划时代变化中左翼艰难道路的未来可能是什么结束。
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引用次数: 2
Quanto influiscono i sistemi elettorali sulle campagne? 选举制度对竞选活动有多大影响?
Pub Date : 2019-06-30 DOI: 10.36253/qoe-8524
Francesca Montemagno, Rossana Sampugnaro
The demand for specific expertise to manage strategically election campaigns is growing. However, their use depends on the history of political party, on their values and on their economic resources and to the context in which the election campaign takes place. In this sphere, the electoral system produces constraints and incentives for the development of the electoral campaigns.This study aims to examine the influence of electoral system on electoral campaign style and on its management. In particular, the focus is on professionalization and personalization of electoral campaigns within a comparative approach among the European states. The data are from a comparative study on candidates (CCS).The study focuses on the candidates who participated in the most recent general elections included in the database. In particular, we selected nine countries with different electoral systems: for Candidate-based electoral system, we choice Romania, United Kingdom, Ireland and Malta; for Party-based electoral system, we examined Norway, Portugal and Italy; we also included in our analysis Hungary and Germany, which have a Mixed system with single-member constituency and closed List, which can be placed between the two previous systems.The results of the study show that the electoral systems influence the election campaigns of candidates, producing different models of mobilization.
对特殊专业知识的需求,以管理战略竞选活动正在增长。然而,它们的使用取决于政党的历史、价值观和经济资源,以及竞选活动发生的背景。在这方面,选举制度对选举运动的发展产生限制和激励。本研究旨在探讨选举制度对选举运动风格及其管理的影响。特别地,重点是在欧洲国家之间的比较方法内的选举活动的专业化和个性化。数据来源于一项候选人比较研究(CCS)。这项研究的重点是数据库中最近参加大选的候选人。特别是,我们选择了9个具有不同选举制度的国家:对于基于候选人的选举制度,我们选择了罗马尼亚、英国、爱尔兰和马耳他;对于政党选举制度,我们考察了挪威、葡萄牙和意大利;我们还在分析中包括匈牙利和德国,这两个国家采用单一成员选区和封闭名单的混合制度,可以放在前两种制度之间。研究结果表明,选举制度影响候选人的竞选活动,产生不同的动员模式。
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引用次数: 0
Elezioni europee del 26 maggio 2019 2019年5月26日欧洲选举
Pub Date : 2019-06-30 DOI: 10.36253/qoe-8548
Società Italiana di Studi Elettorali
Electoral Atlas. The European Parliament Election of 2019
选举的阿特拉斯。2019年欧洲议会选举
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引用次数: 1
Gennaio-Giugno 2018 2018年1月至6月
Pub Date : 2019-06-30 DOI: 10.36253/qoe-8549
S. Rombi
Review of elections around the world, January 2018 - June 2018
回顾2018年1月至2018年6月世界各地的选举
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引用次数: 0
Il voto nei quartieri di Roma dal 2000 al 2018 2000年至2018年在罗马地区投票
Pub Date : 2018-12-30 DOI: 10.36253/qoe-8531
Federico Tomassi
Social and economic inequalities between the city centre and peripheral belts persist for many years in Rome districts, in parallel to the on-going suburban sprawl. That yields political effects too, since electoral results from 2000 to 2018 highlight sharp political polarization: votes for left-wing (right-wing or Five Star Movement) candidates are inversely (directly) proportional to distance from Capitoline Hill. Notably, in 2018 general election, the left-wing coalition prevailed in central districts only, where education levels and personal income are very high, and (even if only slightly) in historical periphery, where it keeps consensus on progressive, inclusive and liberal policies. The opposite holds for the new populist Five Star Movement, that prevailed in low-density periphery inside the Orbital, in far-off sprawled districts and in Ostia coastal area. However, the right-wing coalition won in Rome as a whole, by more homogeneous and even inter-classist consensus, and prevailed outside the Orbital thanks to the League, that had for the very first time many votes in the Roman peripheries. As a matter of facts, both right-wing and populist policies seem easier to the extent that suburban citizens feel deprived since harmed by economic crisis, unsafe and worried about immigrants, far from elected bodies, scarcely endowed with public services.
城市中心和外围地带之间的社会和经济不平等在罗马地区持续了多年,与正在进行的郊区扩张并行。这也会产生政治影响,因为2000年至2018年的选举结果突显了尖锐的政治两极分化:左翼(右翼或五星运动)候选人的选票与距离卡比托利欧山的距离成反比(成正比)。值得注意的是,在2018年的大选中,左翼联盟仅在教育水平和个人收入非常高的中心地区获胜,而在历史上的边缘地区(即使只是一点点),左翼联盟在进步、包容和自由的政策上保持了共识。而新民粹主义政党五星运动(Five Star Movement)的情况正好相反,该党在轨道内低密度的外围地区、偏远的无序地区和奥斯蒂亚沿海地区占了上风。然而,右翼联盟在整个罗马赢得了胜利,通过更同质的甚至是跨阶级的共识,并在轨道之外获胜,这要归功于联盟,它第一次在罗马外围地区获得了很多选票。事实上,右翼和民粹主义的政策似乎更容易在某种程度上让郊区居民感到被剥夺了权利,因为他们受到经济危机的伤害,不安全,担心移民,远离选举机构,几乎没有被赋予公共服务。
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引用次数: 1
Elezioni comunali 2018
Pub Date : 2018-12-30 DOI: 10.36253/qoe-9060
Davide Angelucci, Aldo Paparo
Review of Italian elections, municipal elections of 2018
回顾意大利选举,2018年的市政选举
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引用次数: 1
La ricerca elettorale dell'Istituto Cattaneo 卡塔尼奥研究所的选举研究
Pub Date : 2018-12-30 DOI: 10.36253/qoe-8529
P. Corbetta, A. Parisi
The present article relates the story of the electoral research project by Istituto Cattaneo since the early '60s up to 2001. It is a conceptual and methodological reenactment distinguishing three periods. A first phase (1958-1974) of quite exclusive attention payed to the continuity of both the political party system and the political behavior. A second phase (1975-1987) in which, under the pressure of electoral results strongly different from the past (i.e. referendum on divorce in 1974, regional election in 1075 and national election in 1976), studies were focused on cues of "change inside the continuity". Finally, in the third phase (1988-2001) the change - both on a structural and individual level - was the focus of scholars' attention. This transformation of the interpretative paradigms is view in relation to the research methods employed. Such methods progressively shifted from the ecological analysis of the vote based on official data of territorial aggregates to the analysis of self-reported individual behavior through surveys.
本文讲述了从60年代初到2001年,卡塔尼奥研究所的选举研究项目的故事。这是一个概念上和方法上的再现,区分了三个时期。第一阶段(1958-1974年),对政党制度和政治行为的连续性给予了完全的关注。第二阶段(1975-1987),在与过去截然不同的选举结果(即1974年的离婚公投、1975年的地区选举和1976年的全国选举)的压力下,研究重点放在“连续性内部变化”的线索上。最后,在第三阶段(1988-2001),结构和个人层面的变化成为学者们关注的焦点。这种解释范式的转变与所采用的研究方法有关。这些方法逐渐从基于领土总量官方数据的投票生态分析转变为通过调查分析自我报告的个人行为。
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引用次数: 1
Le elezioni regionali in Sicilia del 5 novembre 2017 2017年11月5日西西里岛地区选举
Pub Date : 2018-12-30 DOI: 10.36253/qoe-8530
M. Cerruto, Marco La Bella
This article examines the outcome of the regional election held in Sicily on November 5, 2017. It was a victory for the center-right, which returns to power in the Region after the problematic term of the center-left president incumbent Rosario Crocetta. The center-right winner, Nello Musumeci, backed by a wide coalition but more right-oriented than in the past, has to be explained, on the one hand, with the low turnout - abstension reaching 53% - and, on the other hand, with the consolidation of the anti-establishment and protest movement Five Stars Movement (M5S) - which in 2017 increased its consensus of 12 percentage points to 2012 and remained the single biggest party in the Sicily's assembly. The election results show a polarization both in the government of the Region and in the opposition and a strong personalization of the electoral competition - this latter being a typical aspect of the elections in Sicily, whose evidence concerning this election's candidates is discussed in the article.
本文考察了2017年11月5日西西里岛地区选举的结果。这是中右翼的胜利,在现任中左翼总统罗萨里奥·克罗切塔(Rosario Crocetta)有问题的任期后,中右翼重新掌权。中右翼的获胜者尼洛·穆苏梅奇(Nello Musumeci)得到了广泛联盟的支持,但比过去更倾向于右翼,这必须得到解释,一方面,投票率低——弃权达到53%;另一方面,反建制和抗议运动五星运动(M5S)的巩固——该运动在2017年的共识比2012年增加了12个百分点,仍然是西西里岛议会中最大的单一政党。选举结果显示,该地区政府和反对派都出现了两极分化,选举竞争中出现了强烈的个人化,这是西西里选举的一个典型方面,本文讨论了有关这次选举候选人的证据。
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引用次数: 2
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Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES
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