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Elezioni nel Mondo - Luglio-Dicembre 2017 2017年7月至12月世界选举
Pub Date : 2018-12-30 DOI: 10.36253/qoe-9059
S. Rombi
Review of elections around the world, July 2017 - December 2017
回顾2017年7月至12月世界各地的选举
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引用次数: 0
Le elezioni politiche e le elezioni regionali del 2018 2018年的大选和地区选举
Pub Date : 2018-06-30 DOI: 10.36253/qoe-9062
N. Maggini, M. Cataldi
Review of elections in Italy, legislative and regional elections of 2018 
回顾意大利2018年的选举、立法和地区选举
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引用次数: 0
The Israeli electoral state of mind 以色列的选举心态
Pub Date : 2018-06-30 DOI: 10.36253/qoe-8534
Alon Helled
The 2015 Israeli general elections provide rare intellectual stimuli to trace and characterize some of the larger sociopolitical stances in Israeli society. Since Israeli politics has undergone many changes over the last decades, a focus on electoral moment unpacks the issues and general perception regarding geopolitics (i.e. the Israeli-Palestinian conflict) and the domestic health of the country (i.e. sociopolitical reforms and policy-developments). This paper aims at analyzing the three main dimensions, which were emphasized during the electoral campaign and the turnout, while it connects them with what we may refer to as the Israeli political "state of mind".
2015年以色列大选提供了罕见的智力刺激,可以追踪和描述以色列社会中一些更大的社会政治立场。由于以色列政治在过去几十年经历了许多变化,因此对选举时刻的关注揭示了有关地缘政治(即以色列-巴勒斯坦冲突)和该国国内健康(即社会政治改革和政策发展)的问题和一般看法。本文旨在分析在竞选活动和投票率期间强调的三个主要方面,同时将它们与我们所说的以色列政治“精神状态”联系起来。
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引用次数: 0
Le elezioni comunali di Parma (2012-2017) 帕尔玛市选举(2012-2017)
Pub Date : 2018-06-30 DOI: 10.36253/qoe-8532
M. Morini
The article describes the political evolution of the Italian Five Star Movement (Movimento 5 Stelle - M5S) at the local level (2009-2012) with a specific reference to the «Italian Stalingrad» i.e. the city of Parma. In the administrative elections held in 2012 the M5S was able to get its first Major, Federico Pizzarotti, who was unexpectedly elected in the second round defeating the center left coalition. Born as a local and civic experience in the so called Meetup (local party meetings), the M5S of Parma is an example of «overpromising populism» (Mény & Surel 2000) accused by Beppe Grillo (the central office) of a compromise-collusion made by Pizzarotti with the «old» power (traditional parties). Firstly, a short overview of the local evolution of M5S is given in order to better understand its level of local penetration and representation between 2009-2014. Secondly, the analysis of the 2012-2017 electoral campaigns will be described taken into consideration the political characteristics of all the competitors and the main determinants of Pizzarotti's two electoral success. Thirdly, some hypothesesabout the future of the «Effetto Parma» civic party and Pizzarotti's leadership at the local and national level will be provided.
本文描述了意大利五星运动(Movimento 5 Stelle - M5S)在地方层面(2009-2012)的政治演变,并特别提到了“意大利斯大林格勒”,即帕尔马市。在2012年举行的行政选举中,五星运动党(M5S)获得了第一任市长费德里科·皮萨罗蒂(Federico Pizzarotti),他在第二轮选举中意外击败中左翼联盟当选。帕尔马的M5S在所谓的Meetup(地方政党会议)中诞生,是一个地方和公民经验,是“过度承诺民粹主义”的一个例子(m & Surel 2000), Beppe Grillo(中央办公室)指责Pizzarotti与“旧”权力(传统政党)妥协勾结。为了更好地了解M5S在2009-2014年间的地方渗透和代表性水平,本文首先对M5S在当地的演变进行了简要概述。其次,对2012-2017年选举活动的分析将被描述为考虑到所有竞争者的政治特征和Pizzarotti两次选举成功的主要决定因素。第三,对“Effetto Parma”公民党的未来和Pizzarotti在地方和国家层面的领导提出了一些假设。
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引用次数: 0
Gennaio-Giugno 2017 2017年1月至6月
Pub Date : 2018-06-30 DOI: 10.36253/qoe-9061
S. Rombi
Review of elections around the world, January 2017 - June 2017
2017年1月至6月世界各地选举回顾
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引用次数: 0
Selecting the labour leader 选举劳工领袖
Pub Date : 2018-06-30 DOI: 10.36253/qoe-8533
Giulia Vicentini
The article aims at assessing the functioning and characteristics of the most recent systems employed by the British Labour Party for selecting its leader. To this end I compared five leadership races: the huge success of Tony Blair in 1994 in the newly reformed electoral college system; the undisputed election of Gordon Brown in 2007; the narrow and disputed victory of Ed Miliband in 2010, still held under the electoral college system; the large but controversial successes of Jeremy Corbyn in the 2015 and 2016 closed primaries. The article first traces the evolution of the Labour leadership election systems in recent decades. Secondly, the five leadership races are analyzed and compared, taking into account two main variables: inclusiveness and divisiveness. These have been addressed looking at indicators such as selectorate and candidacy inclusiveness, campaign negativity, race competitiveness and elite attitude, which transversally affects all the other dimensions. The findings suggest that intra-party democracy may be dangerous for party unity and electability but the political context remains much more important than the intrinsic characteristics of the system of leadership selection used.
本文旨在评估英国工党在选举其领导人时采用的最新制度的功能和特点。为此,我比较了五次领导人竞选:1994年托尼•布莱尔(Tony Blair)在新改革的选举团制度中取得的巨大成功;2007年戈登•布朗(Gordon Brown)毫无争议地当选;2010年,埃德·米利班德(Ed Miliband)在选举团制度下取得了有争议的险胜;杰里米·科尔宾在2015年和2016年的封闭初选中取得了巨大但有争议的成功。文章首先追溯了近几十年来工党领导人选举制度的演变。其次,分析和比较了五个领导种族,考虑到两个主要变量:包容性和分裂性。这些问题都是通过观察一些指标来解决的,比如选民和候选人的包容性、竞选的消极性、种族竞争力和精英态度,这些指标会横向影响所有其他方面。研究结果表明,党内民主可能对政党的团结和可选性构成危险,但政治背景仍然比所使用的领导选拔制度的内在特征重要得多。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES
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