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Systemic Corruption最新文献

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INDEX 指数
Pub Date : 2020-09-22 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvzgb6x2.17
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引用次数: 0
On Material Constitutional Thought 论物质宪政思想
Pub Date : 2020-09-22 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvzgb6x2.8
C. Vergara
This chapter proposes a methodological approach to the study of constitutions that goes beyond the written text and jurisprudence in order to incorporate the material structure of society. It interprets the factual organization and exercise of power that is allowed and enabled by foundational institutions, rules, and procedures. It also discusses the premise of material constitutionalism on the idea that the organization of political power cannot be analyzed without taking into account political and socioeconomic power structures. The chapter establishes a constitutional ideology that stands opposed to legal positivism, formalism, and proceduralism. It traces the material approach back to Niccolò Machiavelli and distinguishes between institutionalist and critical strands.
本章提出了一种超越书面文本和法理学的宪法研究方法,以便纳入社会的物质结构。它解释了基本制度、规则和程序所允许和实现的权力的实际组织和行使。在不考虑政治和社会经济权力结构就不能分析政治权力组织的基础上,探讨了物质宪政的前提。这一章建立了一种反对法律实证主义、形式主义和程序主义的宪法意识形态。它将材料方法追溯到Niccolò马基雅维利,并区分了制度主义和批判的观点。
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引用次数: 0
Luxemburg on Popular Emancipation 卢森堡论大众解放
Pub Date : 2020-09-22 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvzgb6x2.11
C. Vergara
This chapter focuses on Rosa Luxemburg, who proposed to embrace workers' councils as a political infrastructure of emancipation at a moment when the modern party system had begun to consolidate. It explains the Social Democratic Party as a party in support of the interests of the working class, which had gained partial control of the German government. It discusses Luxemburg's realization that the liberty of the working class demanded a different political infrastructure. The chapter cites the betrayal of the revolutionary party that proved to Luxemburg the truth of Karl Marx's argument that the “working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made state machinery and wield it for its own purposes.” It highlights Luxemburg's proposal to alter the foundation and base of the social constitution by institutionalizing workers, soldiers, and peasant councils and establishing a national council of workers as part of a revolutionary constitutional political order.
这一章的重点是罗莎·卢森堡,她提出在现代政党制度开始巩固的时候,将工人委员会作为解放的政治基础。它将社会民主党解释为支持工人阶级利益的政党,工人阶级已经获得了德国政府的部分控制权。它讨论了卢森堡的认识,即工人阶级的自由需要不同的政治基础设施。这一章引用了革命政党的背叛,向卢森堡证明了卡尔·马克思的观点的正确性,即“工人阶级不能简单地掌握现成的国家机器,并运用它来达到自己的目的。”它强调了卢森堡的提议,即通过将工人、士兵和农民委员会制度化,并建立一个全国工人委员会,作为革命宪政秩序的一部分,来改变社会宪法的基础和基础。
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引用次数: 0
Epilogue 后记
Pub Date : 2020-09-22 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvzgb6x2.15
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引用次数: 0
Back Matter 回到问题
Pub Date : 2020-09-22 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvzgb6x2.18
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引用次数: 0
9. Constitutionalizing the Power of Those Who Do Not Rule 9. 不统治者的权力宪法化
Pub Date : 2020-09-22 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvzgb6x2.14
C. Vergara
This chapter contributes to plebeian constitutional theory by proposing to constitutionalize popular power in a “plebeian branch” that is thought through Hannah Arendt's model of parties and councils, incorporating features from the proposals that established plebeian institutions. It lays out a way to separate the few from the many that would in principle conform to the current liberal constitutional framework. It also describes institutions that would make up the proposed plebeian branch, such as a network of primary assemblies with the power to initiate and veto or repeal any law, public policy, judicial decision, and appointment as well as to update the constitution. The chapter offers a tentative juridical framework for the plebeian branch, which is meant to be incorporated into any existing representative democratic regime and is aimed at empowering plebeians. It suggests a more enduring solution to the systemic corruption of representative systems and the oligarchic domination that inevitably comes with it.
本章对平民宪法理论的贡献在于,通过汉娜·阿伦特的政党和委员会模型,结合建立平民机构的建议的特点,提出在“平民分支”中将人民权力宪制性化。它提出了一种将少数人与多数人区分开来的方法,这种方法原则上符合当前的自由宪法框架。它还描述了将构成拟议的平民分支的机构,例如初级议会网络,该网络有权发起、否决或废除任何法律、公共政策、司法决定和任命,以及更新宪法。这一章为平民分支提供了一个暂定的法律框架,旨在将其纳入任何现有的代议制民主制度,并旨在赋予平民权力。它提出了一个更持久的解决方案,以解决代议制的系统性腐败以及随之而来的寡头统治。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: Crisis of the Representative Republic 导论:代议制共和国的危机
Pub Date : 2020-09-22 DOI: 10.1515/9780691208732-003
C. Vergara
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引用次数: 0
List of Illustrations 插图一览表
Pub Date : 2020-09-22 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvzgb6x2.3
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引用次数: 0
Corruption as Political Decay 腐败是政治衰败
Pub Date : 2020-09-22 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvzgb6x2.6
C. Vergara
This chapter begins by providing a diagnosis for the crisis of democracy based on systemic corruption. After reconstructing from the works of Plato, Aristotle, Polybius, and Niccolò Machiavelli, a notion of systemic political corruption particular to popular governments, it reviews recent neorepublican and institutionalist attempts at redefining political corruption within the current political regimes. It also underscores the lack of a proper conception of systemic corruption comparable in sophistication to the one offered by ancient and modern philosophers due to the inability to account for the role that procedures and institutions play in fostering corruption through their normal functioning. The chapter proposes a definition of systemic corruption as the oligarchization of power transpiring within a general respect for the rule of law. It describes the conception of corruption that appears as intrinsically connected to increasing socioeconomic inequality, which enables the inequality of political influence and drift toward oligarchic democracy.
本章首先对基于系统性腐败的民主危机进行诊断。在从柏拉图、亚里士多德、波利比乌斯和Niccolò马基雅维利的著作中重建了一个系统性政治腐败的概念,特别是在大众政府中,它回顾了最近新共和主义和制度主义试图重新定义当前政治制度中的政治腐败。它还强调,由于无法解释程序和制度通过其正常运作在助长腐败方面所起的作用,缺乏一个与古代和现代哲学家提出的复杂程度相当的系统性腐败的适当概念。本章提出了系统性腐败的定义,即在普遍尊重法治的情况下发生的权力寡头化。它描述了腐败的概念,似乎与日益加剧的社会经济不平等有着内在的联系,社会经济不平等使政治影响的不平等成为可能,并向寡头民主倾斜。
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引用次数: 0
7. Arendt on the Republic of Parties and Councils 7. 阿伦特论政党和议会共和国
Pub Date : 2020-09-22 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvzgb6x2.12
C. Vergara
This chapter analyzes Hannah Arendt's intellectual relation with Rosa Luxemburg's work, including her critique of the American founding and her proposal for establishing a council system. It analyzes Arendt's most controversial, understudied, and misinterpreted work, On Revolution, which was conceived after her engagement with Luxemburg's critical essay on the Russian Revolution. It recounts Arendt's view on how the revolutionary spirit was lost and the government became mere administration at the moment when the founders focused on representation, and neglected to incorporate the township and the town-hall meeting into the Constitution. The chapter talks about Arendt's support of the council system as an alternative form of government aimed at the continual reintroduction of freedom as action in a public realm dominated by administration. It describes Arendt's proposal of the mixed constitution, in which parties are dedicated to administration and councils are dedicated to political judgment.
本章分析了汉娜·阿伦特与罗莎·卢森堡的思想关系,包括她对美国建国的批判和她建立议会制度的建议。它分析了阿伦特最具争议性、未被充分研究和被误解的作品《论革命》,这部作品是在她接触卢森堡关于俄国革命的评论文章之后构思出来的。它讲述了阿伦特的观点,即当开国元勋们专注于代表制,而忽视了将乡镇和市政厅会议纳入宪法时,革命精神是如何丧失的,政府是如何变成纯粹的行政管理的。这一章讨论了阿伦特对议会制度的支持,将其作为政府的另一种形式,目的是在由行政管理主导的公共领域中不断重新引入自由作为行动。它描述了阿伦特关于混合宪法的建议,其中政党致力于管理,委员会致力于政治判断。
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引用次数: 0
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Systemic Corruption
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