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An Affirmation That Is Entirely Other 一个完全不同的肯定
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1215/00382876-10242616
M. B. Rasmussen
The aim of this article is to juxtapose the notion of refusal in Maurice Blanchot, Herbert Marcuse, and the Invisible Committee. The article opens by considering Blanchot's 1958 notion of a radical refusal and then turns to Marcuse's idea of a “great refusal” against one-dimensional society. It then concludes with a consideration of the Invisible Committee's theory of destitution, which aims to rethink revolution in light of an analysis of the contemporary cycle of insurrections. Although Blanchot's and Marcuse's notions of the refusal might appear dated, trapped within the agitated political climate of the 1950s and 1960s, in their time they each signaled a conscious rupture with a certain Marxist-Leninist theory of revolution that could not imagine the transformation of social relations except through the seizure of state power. For both thinkers, the proto-revolutionary gesture of refusal sought to respond to a historical conjuncture in which the integration of the working class into the circuitry of capital was a fait accompli. For Blanchot, refusal was a withdrawal from, and abandonment of, politics and representation, whereas for Marcuse it involved a transformation both of one's immediate social relations and of social relations more broadly. It is these aspects of refusal that anticipate and overlap with more recent theories of destituent power emerging from the new cycles of protests. Over the last decade, the notion of destitution has come to prominence as one of the most important reformulations of radical political action. In response to a new insurrectionary wave, characterized by new forms of action, destitution signals an attempt to reimagine the emergence of a new revolutionary force in the wake of the disappearance of Marxist dialectics and the established working-class movement.
本文的目的是将莫里斯·布朗肖、赫伯特·马尔库塞和“无形委员会”中的拒绝概念并列起来。文章首先考虑了布朗肖1958年提出的激进拒绝的概念,然后转向马尔库塞对单向度社会的“伟大拒绝”的观点。最后,它考虑了无形委员会的贫困理论,该理论旨在根据对当代起义周期的分析来重新思考革命。尽管布朗肖和马尔库塞关于拒绝的概念可能显得过时,受困于20世纪50年代和60年代动荡不安的政治气候,但在他们的时代,他们都标志着与某种马克思列宁主义的革命理论的有意识决裂,这种理论认为,除非通过夺取国家权力,否则无法想象社会关系的转变。对于这两位思想家来说,拒绝的原始革命姿态试图回应工人阶级融入资本回路是既成事实的历史关头。对布朗肖来说,拒绝是对政治和代表的退出和放弃,而对马尔库塞来说,它涉及到一个人的直接社会关系和更广泛的社会关系的转变。正是这些拒绝的方面,预示着新的抗议周期中出现的贫困权力理论,并与之重叠。在过去十年中,贫困的概念作为激进政治行动的最重要的重新表述之一而引人注目。作为对以新行动形式为特征的新起义浪潮的回应,贫困标志着在马克思主义辩证法和既定的工人阶级运动消失之后,一种新的革命力量的出现的尝试。
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引用次数: 0
“A Dance without a Song”: Revolt and Community in Furio Jesi's Late Work “无歌之舞”:富里奥·杰西晚期作品中的反抗与共同体
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1215/00382876-10242644
Kieran Aarons
This article traces a logical and political thread leading from the theory of revolt in Furio Jesi's 1969 Spartakus to his later work on festivity and the “mythological machine model.” It opens by arguing that the humanist model that frames Jesi's early efforts to disarm the allure of insurgent violence, sacrificial mythology, and Manichaean politics generates insoluble aporias that spur the development of a radically different approach to the study of myth and human nature. Next, it shows how Jesi's studies on festivity from the 1970s redound upon and transform the theory of revolt in Spartakus, bringing this theory more in line with current epochal conditions. In doing so, they presage and lay the groundwork for the theory of destituent power developed in recent decades by Giorgio Agamben.
本文从弗里奥·杰西1969年的《斯巴达克斯》中的反抗理论,到他后来关于节日和“神话机器模型”的作品,追溯了一条逻辑和政治线索。本书开篇论述了杰西早期努力消除叛乱暴力、祭祀神话和摩尼教政治诱惑的人文主义模式,这种模式产生了无法解决的问题,刺激了一种截然不同的研究神话和人性的方法的发展。接下来,它展示了杰西从20世纪70年代开始对节日的研究是如何对斯巴达克斯的反叛理论进行了补充和改造,使这一理论更符合当前的时代条件。在这样做的过程中,他们预示并奠定了近几十年来乔治·阿甘本(Giorgio Agamben)发展的贫困权力理论的基础。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: Three Registers of Destitution 简介:三个贫困登记册
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1215/00382876-10242588
Kieran Aarons, Idris Robinson
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引用次数: 0
The Anarchy of Power 权力的无政府状态
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1215/00382876-10242630
K. Nelson
This article offers an account of the anarchy of power in Giorgio Agamben's Homo Sacer corpus. From this perspective, governmental power is anarchic in the twofold sense of lacking an independent legitimating foundation and being divided between ontology (what it is to be) and praxis (what is done). To think beyond the bind of anarchic power, Agamben and others have conceptualized a destituent politics that abandons legitimation in an independent authority. Attending to recent interpretations of destitution, this article proposes that, precisely in light of the anarchic structure of power as it shows itself today, destituent politics harbor a unique risk of lethal violence. Avoiding this risk requires cultivating a political force or potentiality that, as Agamben puts it, would be “strong enough to remain destituent.”
本文对乔治·阿甘本的《神圣人文集》中的权力无政府状态进行了分析。从这个角度来看,政府权力是无政府主义的,因为它缺乏独立的合法性基础,并且被划分为本体论(它是什么)和实践(它做了什么)。为了超越无政府权力的束缚,阿甘本和其他人将一种贫困的政治概念化,这种政治放弃了独立权威的合法性。考虑到最近对贫困的解释,这篇文章提出,正是鉴于权力的无政府结构,正如它今天所显示的那样,贫困的政治庇护着致命暴力的独特风险。要避免这种风险,就需要培养一种政治力量或潜力,正如阿甘本所说,这种政治力量或潜力将“强大到足以维持贫困”。
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引用次数: 0
The Destituent Urge Is Also a Destructive Urge: Agamben, Aristotle, and Benjamin on the Potentiality for Destitution 贫困的冲动也是一种破坏性的冲动:阿甘本、亚里士多德和本雅明论贫困的可能性
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1215/00382876-10242714
Idris Robinson
This article argues that a theory of destituent power must imply a twofold strategic orientation toward the state, based simultaneously in desertion and destruction. The article opens by first situating Giorgio Agamben's account of destituent power within the broader framework developed throughout his Homo Sacer project. Through a close consideration of his engagements with both Aristotle's modal ontology and Walter Benjamin's political theology, it aims to demonstrate that, although Agamben tends to disavow their consequences, the theoretical resources on which his project depends nevertheless entail destructive capacities.
本文认为,一个贫困的权力理论必须蕴涵着对国家的双重战略取向,同时以抛弃和破坏为基础。文章开篇首先将Giorgio Agamben对贫困权力的描述置于他的Homo Sacer项目中发展起来的更广泛的框架中。通过对他与亚里士多德的模态本体论和瓦尔特·本雅明的政治神学的接触的仔细考虑,它旨在证明,尽管阿甘本倾向于否认他们的结果,但他的项目所依赖的理论资源仍然包含破坏性的能力。
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引用次数: 1
Destituent Potentiality and the Critique of Realization 匮乏的潜能与实现的批判
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1215/00382876-10242602
Giorgio Agamben
Before we can think what a destituent power might be, we must first dispense with a concept that has surreptitiously dominated Western thought and politics, namely, that of realization. By realization, we understand the idea that political action consists in realizing in practice a doctrine, a philosophy, an ideal, a project, or whatever else you want to call this kind of obscure presupposition of every political practice.
在我们思考一个贫穷的国家可能是什么样子之前,我们必须首先抛弃一个暗中主导西方思想和政治的概念,即实现的概念。通过实现,我们理解政治行动包括在实践中实现一种学说,一种哲学,一种理想,一项计划,或者其他任何你想称之为每一种政治实践的模糊前提的东西。
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引用次数: 1
The Absolute Gift: Martyrdom as Destituent Power 绝对的礼物:作为贫困力量的殉道
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1215/00382876-10242728
Rodrigo Karmy Bolton
This article argues that martyrdom carries with it a destituent power. To this end, it examines the difference between martyrdom and sacrifice in five sections. The first four discuss sacrifice in French anthropology; Bataille's proposal of an “unemployed negativity”; the sacrificial question is reframed by the emergence of contemporary capitalism as a “debt without gift” ; martyrdom as a form-of-life that can destitute sacrifice by being open to the gift without the debt produced by the contemporary sacrificial machine. We call this gift absolute because it is not just any gift but one capable of destituting the gift-debt system. Drawing from Giorgio Agamben's theorization of the witness, the final section shows how the subjective structure of martyrdom is that of the witness insofar as a gesturality occurs in it that takes the form of a desubjectification.
这篇文章认为,殉道带有一种贫穷的力量。为此,它分五个部分考察了殉道和牺牲之间的区别。前四章讨论法国人类学中的献祭;巴塔耶提出的“失业的消极”;牺牲的问题被当代资本主义的出现重新定义为“没有礼物的债务”;殉道是一种生命形式,它可以通过对礼物的开放而不需要当代牺牲机器所产生的债务来消除牺牲。我们称这种恩赐是绝对的,因为它不是一种恩赐,而是一种能够使恩赐-债务制度陷入困境的恩赐。从乔治·阿甘本关于证人的理论出发,最后一节展示了殉道的主观结构是如何成为证人的,因为它以一种非主体化的形式出现。
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引用次数: 0
Constructing a Communal Form of Life: Destituent Praxis in the Peripheries of Mexico City 建构一种共同的生活形式:墨西哥城边缘地区的贫困实践
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1215/00382876-10242686
S. Law, A. Cruz, Vanessa Nava
Born of revolutionary struggles in the peripheries of Mexico City, the Panchos have spent the past three decades transforming land occupations into vibrant communities aiming to take charge of every aspect of their lives. To date, they have constructed eight autonomous territories that are home to thousands of families. The Panchos insist they are building not housing projects but life projects. The struggle to transform the material environment to meet immediate needs forms part of a larger political struggle for a qualitatively different form of life, a dignified and communal life grounded in quotidian practices of self-organization, collective decision making, and shared labor. This article argues that the deepening of this communal form of life exemplifies a destituent praxis, one that reveals, refuses, and abandons the world imposed by the metropolis. By placing Ivan Illich's critique of institutionality in dialogue with recent theorizations of destituent power, this article explores emergent practices of emancipation that abandon the classical locus of revolutionary struggle—seizing state power—and instead combatively assemble, here and now, other ways of living.
潘乔斯家族诞生于墨西哥城郊区的革命斗争中,在过去的三十年里,他们将土地占领转变为充满活力的社区,旨在掌控他们生活的方方面面。迄今为止,他们已经建立了8个自治领土,居住着数千个家庭。潘乔斯坚持说,他们不是在建造住房项目,而是在建造生活项目。改变物质环境以满足当前需求的斗争构成了一场更大的政治斗争的一部分,这场政治斗争是为了一种质量上不同的生活形式,一种基于自我组织、集体决策和共同劳动的日常实践的有尊严的公共生活。本文认为,这种公共生活形式的深化体现了一种贫困的实践,一种揭示、拒绝和抛弃大都市强加的世界的实践。通过将伊万·伊里奇对制度的批判与最近关于贫困权力的理论进行对话,本文探索了解放的新兴实践,这些实践抛弃了革命斗争的经典轨迹——夺取国家权力——而是在此时此地以战斗的方式组合其他生活方式。
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引用次数: 0
Anthropocene Destitution Anthropocene Destitution
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1215/00382876-10242700
Stephanie Wakefield
This article situates the concept of destituent power as a historically specific, still unfinished problematization of political thought and practice in the Anthropocene. It explores multiple, conflicting understandings and manifestations of destitution as they relate to climate change, civilizational breakdown, and political practice, suggesting that experimental practices of destitution as “exiting” are increasing in number and political potential alongside infrastructural and ecological crises. However, too often readers and theorists overemphasize this form-of-life-centric and use-centric version of the concept, thereby risking reproducing the political impasses the concept seeks to overcome, mirroring dominant counterrevolutionary depictions of life in the Anthropocene. In contrast, bringing work by Idris Robinson and Alexandre Monnin together with urban climate adaptation examples, this article explores an emergent destitution-as-negation perspective that attempts to respond to these impasses. The article concludes by asking what it might mean and require to destitute the Anthropocene, as not only an environmental matter but also one dominated by particular governmental, economic, and knowledge systems.
本文将贫困权力的概念定位为人类世政治思想和实践的历史特定的、尚未完成的问题化。它探讨了与气候变化、文明崩溃和政治实践相关的贫困的多种相互冲突的理解和表现形式,表明作为“退出”的贫困的实验实践在数量和政治潜力方面与基础设施和生态危机一起增加。然而,读者和理论家经常过分强调这种以生活形式为中心和以使用为中心的概念,从而冒着再现这一概念试图克服的政治僵局的风险,反映了人类世对生活的主要反革命描述。相比之下,本文将伊德里斯·罗宾逊和亚历山大·莫宁的作品与城市气候适应的例子结合起来,探讨了一个新兴的贫困作为否定的观点,试图回应这些僵局。文章最后提出了一个问题:人类世的贫困不仅是一个环境问题,而且是一个由特定的政府、经济和知识系统主导的问题,这意味着什么,需要什么。
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引用次数: 1
Self-Destituent Power in Iroquois Diplomacy: Interpreting the 2020 Talks on the Tyendinaga Tracks 易洛魁人外交中的自我匮乏力量:对2020年廷迪纳加会谈的解读
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1215/00382876-10242672
P. Blouin
Preserving the original agreement between the Rotinonhsión:ni (Iroquois) and the first settlers, the Two Row Wampum belt (Teiohá:te) displays two parallel lines, where the original peoples’ canoe and the settlers’ ship are said to sail side by side, suggesting that allied parties to move in the same direction they must respect their mutual autonomy. Drawing on the transcripts of negotiations between Canadian officials and Kanien'kehá:ka (Mohawk) warriors in Tyendinaga, this article examines how the Two Row Wampum's notion of alliance through separation played out in the 2020 rail blockade movement in support of the Wet'suwet'en people's fight against the Coastal GasLink pipelines. Central to the text is Kanien'kehá:ka warriors’ suggestion that, beyond relations with settlers, the Two Row Wampum applies to relations between and among Indigenous nations, clans, genders, and even nonhumans. The intricate consensus-based decision-making protocols that compose the Rotinonhsión:ni Confederacy's precolonial governance system likewise attest to the respect for separation that pervades all relations, as if the potential of Rotinonhsión:ni diplomacy to render sovereign power destitute had reached a constitutional stature.
保留了Rotinonhsión:ni(易洛魁人)和第一批定居者之间的原始协议,Two Row Wampum belt (teioh:te)显示了两条平行线,据说原始民族的独木舟和定居者的船并排航行,这表明联盟各方必须尊重他们的相互自治,向同一方向移动。根据加拿大官员与Tyendinaga的Kanien' keh:ka(莫霍克人)战士之间的谈判记录,本文研究了两排Wampum通过分离结盟的概念如何在2020年的铁路封锁运动中发挥作用,以支持Wet'suwet'en人民反对沿海天然气管道的斗争。文本的中心是Kanien' keh:卡族战士的建议,除了与定居者的关系之外,两排Wampum适用于土著民族,部族,性别,甚至非人类之间的关系。以协商一致意见为基础的复杂决策协议构成了Rotinonhsión:ni邦联在殖民前的治理体系,同样证明了对分离的尊重弥漫在所有关系中,似乎Rotinonhsión:ni外交使主权国家陷入贫困的潜力已经达到了宪法的高度。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
South Atlantic Quarterly
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