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International Law and (the Critique of) Political Economy 国际法与政治经济学(批判)
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1215/00382876-9663618
Ntina Tzouvala
The purpose of this paper is dual, and it has to do with specificity. First, it aims to show that a “law and political economy” approach to international law has been and will be distinct from its US counterpart. To do so, it offers an overview of both the prevailing approaches to and critical engagements with the field. Having shown that neoliberal hegemony is upheld within international law by an admixture of heterogeneous modes of reasoning, the author proceed to argue that this heterogeneity also permeates critical scholarship. This heterogeneity has enabled critical approaches to flourish, but often to the detriment of a consistent, coherent, and purposeful engagement with political economy. The second aim is to show that Marxism offers a distinct and distinctly useful set of analytical tools for international law. Having offered an overview of existing strands of Marxist thought, the author also reflects on the work that remains to be done.
本文的目的是双重的,它与特殊性有关。首先,它的目的是表明,“法律和政治经济学”的国际法方法已经并将不同于美国的同类方法。为了做到这一点,它提供了对该领域的主流方法和关键参与的概述。在证明了新自由主义霸权是通过异质推理模式的混合而在国际法中得到维护之后,作者进一步论证了这种异质性也渗透到批判性学术中。这种异质性使批判方法得以蓬勃发展,但往往不利于与政治经济学的一致、连贯和有目的的接触。第二个目的是要表明马克思主义为国际法提供了一套独特的、非常有用的分析工具。在概述了马克思主义思想的现有分支之后,作者也反思了有待完成的工作。
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引用次数: 0
If You Can Unmake It Here 如果你可以在这里取消它
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1215/00382876-9663646
J. Whitlow
This article starts from the premise that we are living amid a conjunctural moment, in which the neoliberal political economic and ideological paradigm has been destabilized. In moments of conjuncture, competing social groups vie—contingently and unevenly—to reconfigure a social order that is on the verge of rupture. Such acts of construction necessarily entail an engagement with—and a contestation over—the state; and they play out, in no small part, on the terrain of law. The article’s focus is on the ways in which recent political economic, organizing, and legal developments in New York City’s housing sphere illuminate a possible path forward. More specifically, the author makes the case that the successful campaign to strengthen New York’s system of rent regulation shows how law can be harnessed by grassroots, collective mobilizations to place property within the reach of democracy and—in so doing—to undertake the urgent task of unmaking the neoliberal order.
本文的出发点是,我们生活在一个新自由主义的政治、经济和意识形态范式已经不稳定的时刻。在危急时刻,相互竞争的社会群体会偶然地、不均衡地重新配置一个处于破裂边缘的社会秩序。这种建设行为必然导致与国家的接触和对国家的争论;它们在法律领域发挥了不小的作用。本文的重点是纽约市住房领域最近的政治、经济、组织和法律发展,为未来指明了一条可能的道路。更具体地说,作者提出了一个案例,即加强纽约租金监管体系的成功运动表明,如何通过基层集体动员来利用法律,将财产置于民主的范围内,并在这样做的过程中承担起破坏新自由主义秩序的紧迫任务。
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引用次数: 0
An Approach to the Argumentation in the “Front Line’s” Discourse in Colombia 哥伦比亚“前线”话语中的论证探析
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-20 DOI: 10.1215/00382876-9663744
Farid Abud
This article contributes to our understanding the uprising that took place in Colombia in 2021, providing an exploratory approach to the argumentative discourse deployed by the so-called front line (one of the key participants in the uprising). The author examines the points of view put forward by the front line, attempting to determine how they account for the social, economic, and political conditions in which they were produced. The article analyzes the types of arguments that recur in that discourse and reflects on how actancial roles are taken up in the argumentation.
本文有助于我们理解2021年发生在哥伦比亚的起义,为所谓的前线(起义的关键参与者之一)部署的争论性话语提供了一种探索性方法。作者考察了前线提出的观点,试图确定这些观点是如何解释产生这些观点的社会、经济和政治条件的。本文分析了在该论述中反复出现的论证类型,并反思了在论证中财务角色是如何被承担的。
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引用次数: 0
#AşağıBakmayacağız (“We Will Not Look Down”) #AşağıBakmayacağız(“我们不会低头”)
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-20 DOI: 10.1215/00382876-9561671
Cihan Tekay
This essay provides an analysis of international initiatives organized in solidarity with the protests at Boğaziçi University that erupted shortly after the appointment of a new rector on January 1, 2021. It provides an overview of these initiatives by using data from anonymous interviewees who have participated in solidarity initiatives in Germany and the United States, as well as from personal accounts, interviews, and news articles published online. It also draws on the author’s personal, professional and political experiences during the past decade in Turkey, Europe, and the United States to speculate on the sociological background of these actions. It argues that the breadth of protests in solidarity with the resisting students and faculty at Boğaziçi is in part due to the de facto exile of young university graduates and academics from Turkey across Europe and North America. The essay claims that this generation of migrants from Turkey, together with their counterparts from previous generations, have provided a broad base for the support that current Boğaziçi students and faculty have received during their quest to preserve a democratically run university. It also explores the reasons that the solidarity initiatives have received support from academics and students who are not in Turkey, citing the resonance of the demands for a democratically organized university and academic freedom under neoliberal and authoritarian conditions across the globe.
本文分析了为声援Boğaziçi大学在2021年1月1日任命新校长后不久爆发的抗议活动而组织的国际倡议。它通过使用来自德国和美国参与团结倡议的匿名受访者的数据,以及个人账户、访谈和在线发布的新闻文章,对这些倡议进行了概述。它还借鉴了作者过去十年在土耳其、欧洲和美国的个人、专业和政治经历,来推测这些行动的社会学背景。它认为,在Boğaziçi上声援抵抗的学生和教师的抗议活动之所以如此广泛,部分原因是土耳其年轻的大学毕业生和学者实际上被流放到欧洲和北美各地。这篇文章声称,这一代来自土耳其的移民,与他们的前几代同行一起,为目前的Boğaziçi学生和教师在寻求维护民主管理大学的过程中获得的支持提供了广泛的基础。文章也探讨了团结倡议为何能得到不在土耳其的学者和学生的支持,指出在新自由主义和威权主义条件下,全球各地对民主组织的大学和学术自由的要求引起了共鸣。
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引用次数: 0
Social Uprising, Racism, and Resistance in Cali’s National Strike 卡利全国大罢工中的社会起义、种族主义和抵抗
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-20 DOI: 10.1215/00382876-9663730
Betty Ruth Lozano Lerma
To understand the social uprising that occurred in Colombia starting on the day of the national strike, April 28, 2021, particularly in the city of Santiago de Cali, this article examines three postulates: 1) Cali is an ethnicized/racialized and young city; 2) Colombia has one of the highest rates of extreme poverty, inequality, and violence on the continent; 3) being both Black and poor is not exactly a coincidence. Although there are many reasons behind the protests in Colombia, here I focus on the structural and everyday expressions of racism that lead to a multiplicity of oppressions that fall on the bodies of racialized men and women in a city with an intensely racist imaginary. In the strike, these people, young people without a future, said enough is enough and strengthened their dignity through struggle.
为了理解哥伦比亚自2021年4月28日全国大罢工之日起发生的社会起义,尤其是在圣地亚哥德卡利市,本文考察了三个假设:1)卡利是一个民族化/种族化的年轻城市;2)哥伦比亚是非洲大陆极端贫困、不平等和暴力发生率最高的国家之一;既是黑人又是穷人并不完全是巧合。虽然哥伦比亚的抗议活动背后有许多原因,但我在这里聚焦于种族主义的结构性和日常表现,在这个充满强烈种族主义想象的城市里,种族化的男人和女人的身体受到多重压迫。在罢工中,这些没有未来的年轻人说够了,并通过斗争加强了他们的尊严。
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引用次数: 0
Some Structural Elements for Understanding the Social Uprising in Colombia 理解哥伦比亚社会起义的一些结构要素
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-20 DOI: 10.1215/00382876-9663702
María Bernal, Ilich Ortiz
This article seeks to understand the mass generalized discontent that occurred in Colombia in 2021 by situating it in light of the social and economic effects of the implementation of neoliberal and extractivist policies in recent decades. Those policies have generated inequality, violence, displacement, and dispossession of territories, all within the context of the political regime’s chronic inability to respond to social demands.
本文试图通过将其置于近几十年来实施新自由主义和采掘主义政策的社会和经济影响的背景下,来理解2021年发生在哥伦比亚的大规模普遍不满。这些政策造成了不平等、暴力、流离失所和对领土的剥夺,所有这些都是在政治政权长期无力回应社会需求的背景下发生的。
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引用次数: 0
The Struggle for Academic Freedom in an Age of Post-truth 后真相时代的学术自由之争
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-20 DOI: 10.1215/00382876-9561629
Zeynep Gambetti
This essay situates the struggle for academic freedom and university autonomy at Boğaziçi University within the broader framework of post-truth. Post-truth is defined as a disinvestment from long-established norms regulating what counts as true, without introducing new criteria in their place. As such, it is a state of constant disorientation. The main argument is that post-truth has a material power basis: it is neither an intellectual problem nor one that can be solved by recourse to liberal rights. By briefly showing how neoliberalism, the New Right, and biopolitical governmentality connect and reinforce each other, the essay then asks what academic freedom can signify given the new game of power. The Boğaziçi resistance, it argues, shows how defending academic freedom cannot solely be an academic matter.
本文将Boğaziçi大学争取学术自由和大学自治的斗争置于后真相的更广泛框架内。后真相被定义为从规范什么是真实的长期建立的规范中撤资,而不引入新的标准来取代它们。因此,这是一种不断迷失方向的状态。主要论点是,后真相具有物质权力基础:它既不是一个智力问题,也不是一个可以通过诉诸自由权利来解决的问题。通过简要地展示新自由主义、新右翼和生物政治治理是如何相互联系和加强的,文章接着提出了在新的权力游戏中,学术自由意味着什么。它认为,Boğaziçi的抵制表明,捍卫学术自由不能仅仅是一个学术问题。
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引用次数: 2
The Strike in Colombia 哥伦比亚的罢工
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-20 DOI: 10.1215/00382876-9663716
Hernán Alejandro Cortés Ramírez
This article examines the recent conjuncture of the national strike in Colombia, analyzing its demands in relation to the structural problems that gave rise to them. The text draws from experiences in the mobilizations and theoretical reflections that have emerged from them to suggest a few interpretative keys that can be used to understand the Colombian situation in light of the problem of accumulation and the heterogeneity of social mobilization in the country.
本文审查了最近哥伦比亚全国罢工的形势,分析了其要求与引起罢工的结构性问题的关系。本文借鉴了动员方面的经验和从中产生的理论反思,提出了一些解释性的关键,可以用来根据积累问题和该国社会动员的异质性来理解哥伦比亚的情况。
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引用次数: 1
State Homophobia, Sexual Politics, and Queering the Boğaziçi Resistance 国家同性恋恐惧症,性政治和同性恋Boğaziçi抵抗
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-20 DOI: 10.1215/00382876-9561657
Cenk Özbay
In the midst of the Boğaziçi resistance against the top-down appointment of the new rector, a form of resistance to state homophobia emerges and resonates with the changing dynamics of sexual politics in Turkey. Following President Erdogan’s demonization of LGBTI+ students as terrorists, police raided their on-campus office and confiscated rainbow flags as what they called evidence of an assumed connection to terrorist activities. This essay examines the process through which the LGBTI+ students at Boğaziçi University epitomize the recent queering of sexualities in Turkey with their destabilizing and nonbinary gender/sexual identities, political struggles against heteronormativity and homonormativity, and recalcitrant demands for creating safe public spaces of performative, intimate, and challenging visibility. State homophobia manifest itself as a response to the students’ demands and to the institutional culture that enables the making of a queer public through activism and resistance.
在Boğaziçi反对由上而下任命新主教的运动中,一种反对国家恐同的运动出现了,并与土耳其不断变化的性别政治动态产生了共鸣。在埃尔多安总统将LGBTI+学生妖魔化为恐怖分子之后,警方突袭了他们的校园办公室,没收了彩虹旗,作为他们所谓的与恐怖活动有关的证据。本文检视Boğaziçi大学LGBTI+学生的过程,这些学生是土耳其近期性酷儿的缩影,他们不稳定且非二元性别/性身份、反对异性恋和同性恋的政治斗争,以及对创造安全的公共空间、表演、亲密和挑战可见性的反抗要求。国家对同性恋的恐惧表现为对学生的要求和制度文化的回应,这种文化使得通过激进主义和抵抗来形成一个同性恋公众。
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引用次数: 2
University Embodied 大学的体现
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-20 DOI: 10.1215/00382876-9561643
Saygun Gökarıksel
This essay explores the embodied forms of power and struggle that are manifest in the Boğaziçi University protests against the authoritarian offensive of the Turkish government. By focusing on the student and faculty protests, especially, the daily gowned performances, it suggests that Boğaziçi protests could be seen as part of the making of a counter or dissident body politic, which seeks to rethink and revitalize, at this conjuncture of neoliberal authoritarianism, the university as a critical social institution and as an arena of democratic struggle interconnected to other social struggles for equality and liberty in Turkey and beyond. Drawing on the collective history of struggles and different forms and scales of action, this making of the dissident body politic weaves together embodied public performances; mediatized communicative labor, including online forums, commissions, media commentaries, and productions; and formal institutional resistance and legal action. Altogether, Boğaziçi protests highlight, or, better, flesh out, the importance of university autonomy and democracy, reposing the question, What is a university? at this critical moment when public life and institutions have been violently targeted by the apparatuses of the state and capital.
本文探讨了权力和斗争的具体形式,体现在Boğaziçi大学抗议土耳其政府的独裁攻势。通过关注学生和教师的抗议活动,特别是每天穿着长袍的表演,它表明Boğaziçi抗议活动可以被视为反击或持不同政见的政治体的一部分,它寻求重新思考和振兴,在这个新自由主义威权主义的关头,大学作为一个重要的社会机构,作为民主斗争的舞台,与土耳其和其他国家的平等和自由的其他社会斗争联系在一起。借鉴斗争的集体历史和不同形式和规模的行动,这种不同政见的政治体的制作将具体的公共表演编织在一起;媒介化的传播劳动,包括网络论坛、委托、媒体评论和制作;以及正式的制度抵制和法律行动。总之,Boğaziçi抗议活动强调,或者更好地说,充实了大学自治和民主的重要性,提出了一个问题:什么是大学?在这个公共生活和公共机构受到国家和资本机器暴力攻击的关键时刻。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
South Atlantic Quarterly
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