Russia’s policy towards neighbouring countries and nations has always been dictated by imperialist and expansionist goals. To achieve them, Russia used brutal methods, including direct military aggression, inciting ethnic conflicts, genocide and ethnic cleansing. There are many examples of this in history in the form of the genocide of the Caucasian nations in the 19th century, the Holodomor against Ukrainian people, Soviet repressions, the ethnic cleansing of Georgians in the Abkhazia and Tskhinvali region at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century, and others. Nevertheless, Russia has not been held accountable for its actions. The war against Ukraine, which started in February 2022, dispelled all illusions of the democratic world towards Russia. Today, the democratic world is united, and the primary basis of this unity is the values, which it must bear responsibility for protecting. For this purpose, all international legal levers and institutions should be used. Russia’s leadership must be brought to justice, and the country must be held financially accountable. The only way for peace between Russia and the world is the democratisation of Russia, which is only possible through international legal coercion, as happened in the case of Nazi Germany. This article is an attempt to present the specific facts of Russia’s aggressive and imperialist policy towards neighbouring countries, especially towards Georgia, the specific legal levers for combating this policy, and future perspectives.
{"title":"Some legal aspects of Russian policy towards neighbouring countries","authors":"George Goradze","doi":"10.31743/sp.16554","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31743/sp.16554","url":null,"abstract":"Russia’s policy towards neighbouring countries and nations has always been dictated by imperialist and expansionist goals. To achieve them, Russia used brutal methods, including direct military aggression, inciting ethnic conflicts, genocide and ethnic cleansing. There are many examples of this in history in the form of the genocide of the Caucasian nations in the 19th century, the Holodomor against Ukrainian people, Soviet repressions, the ethnic cleansing of Georgians in the Abkhazia and Tskhinvali region at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century, and others. Nevertheless, Russia has not been held accountable for its actions. The war against Ukraine, which started in February 2022, dispelled all illusions of the democratic world towards Russia. Today, the democratic world is united, and the primary basis of this unity is the values, which it must bear responsibility for protecting. For this purpose, all international legal levers and institutions should be used. Russia’s leadership must be brought to justice, and the country must be held financially accountable. The only way for peace between Russia and the world is the democratisation of Russia, which is only possible through international legal coercion, as happened in the case of Nazi Germany. This article is an attempt to present the specific facts of Russia’s aggressive and imperialist policy towards neighbouring countries, especially towards Georgia, the specific legal levers for combating this policy, and future perspectives.","PeriodicalId":22051,"journal":{"name":"Studia Prawnicze KUL","volume":" 10","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139626557","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Napaść zbrojna rosyjskich wojsk, z częściową okupacją suwerennego terytorium Ukrainy jest bezprecedensowym wydarzeniem w skali światowej. Ofiary wśród ludności cywilnej, ignorowanie potrzeby tworzenia korytarzy humanitarnych dla ludności uciekającej z terenów okupowanych przez wrogie wojsko czy przymusowe wysiedlenia można by potraktować jak scenariusz filmu wojennego. Jednak od 24 lutego 2022 r. takie wydarzenia stały się faktem i wymagają zdecydowanej reakcji potępiającej ze strony świata. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest interpretacja rezolucji wydawanych przez Parlament Europejski od momentu zbrojnej agresji Rosji przeciw Ukrainie i ich wpływu na działania instytucji unijnych. Prezentowany wywód koncentruje się wokół najważniejszych zagadnień poruszanych przez Parlament w swoich rezolucjach. Artykuł stanowi analizę prawniczą sporządzoną przy wykorzystaniu metody dogmatyczno-prawnej. Rezolucje, jako akty niewiążące, zaliczane są do tzw. prawa soft law, które wydawane jest w sytuacjach wymagających doraźnych działań lub reakcji ze strony instytucji UE. Parlament poprzez swoje rezolucje pragnie zwrócić uwagę państw członkowskich i społeczności międzynarodowej na skutki, jakie wojna wywołuje w wymiarze gospodarczym i humanitarnym. W niemalże wszystkich rezolucjach Parlament potępia działania Rosji, wskazuje przypadki łamania praw człowieka i podkreśla swoją solidarność z narodem ukraińskim.
{"title":"Stanowisko UE wobec agresji Rosji przeciw Ukrainie","authors":"Ilona Grądzka","doi":"10.31743/sp.16553","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31743/sp.16553","url":null,"abstract":"Napaść zbrojna rosyjskich wojsk, z częściową okupacją suwerennego terytorium Ukrainy jest bezprecedensowym wydarzeniem w skali światowej. Ofiary wśród ludności cywilnej, ignorowanie potrzeby tworzenia korytarzy humanitarnych dla ludności uciekającej z terenów okupowanych przez wrogie wojsko czy przymusowe wysiedlenia można by potraktować jak scenariusz filmu wojennego. Jednak od 24 lutego 2022 r. takie wydarzenia stały się faktem i wymagają zdecydowanej reakcji potępiającej ze strony świata.\u0000Celem niniejszego artykułu jest interpretacja rezolucji wydawanych przez Parlament Europejski od momentu zbrojnej agresji Rosji przeciw Ukrainie i ich wpływu na działania instytucji unijnych. Prezentowany wywód koncentruje się wokół najważniejszych zagadnień poruszanych przez Parlament w swoich rezolucjach. Artykuł stanowi analizę prawniczą sporządzoną przy wykorzystaniu metody dogmatyczno-prawnej. Rezolucje, jako akty niewiążące, zaliczane są do tzw. prawa soft law, które wydawane jest w sytuacjach wymagających doraźnych działań lub reakcji ze strony instytucji UE. Parlament poprzez swoje rezolucje pragnie zwrócić uwagę państw członkowskich i społeczności międzynarodowej na skutki, jakie wojna wywołuje w wymiarze gospodarczym i humanitarnym. W niemalże wszystkich rezolucjach Parlament potępia działania Rosji, wskazuje przypadki łamania praw człowieka i podkreśla swoją solidarność z narodem ukraińskim.","PeriodicalId":22051,"journal":{"name":"Studia Prawnicze KUL","volume":" 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139625454","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Even though the definition of the crime of ecocide was proposed by the Independent Expert Panel in 2021 it has not been incorporated into any international agreement yet. The Russian military aggression in Ukraine has demonstrated that the concept of ecocide is still relevant. The aim of the article is to analyse the concept of ecocide and to show that certain actions of the Russian army directed against the natural environment in Ukraine meet the criteria of the crime of ecocide, and therefore that these actions were unlawful, intentional, and committed with the awareness that they may result in serious and long-term or widespread damage to the environment.
{"title":"Crime of ecocide in Ukraine – environmental consequences of Russian military aggression","authors":"Ihor Kozak","doi":"10.31743/sp.16745","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31743/sp.16745","url":null,"abstract":"Even though the definition of the crime of ecocide was proposed by the Independent Expert Panel in 2021 it has not been incorporated into any international agreement yet. The Russian military aggression in Ukraine has demonstrated that the concept of ecocide is still relevant. The aim of the article is to analyse the concept of ecocide and to show that certain actions of the Russian army directed against the natural environment in Ukraine meet the criteria of the crime of ecocide, and therefore that these actions were unlawful, intentional, and committed with the awareness that they may result in serious and long-term or widespread damage to the environment.","PeriodicalId":22051,"journal":{"name":"Studia Prawnicze KUL","volume":" 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139627136","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The question about criminal liability for waging this cruel war has been actualized since the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2014, and especially since the large-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. It is commonly recognized that such acts are crimes according to international criminal law and that liability must come under international judiciary bodies. By the same token, Ukrainian national legislation also provides for liability for those acts. At the same time, there are attempts to prove the fact that Putin and othersenior officials are not liable under Ukrainian criminal law since allegedly they have functional immunity and ordinary perpetrators of the aggression are not personally liable under Ukrainian law due to the so-called functional immunity. The publication aims to prove the wrongfulness of the statement that the abovementioned immunity status prevents criminal prosecution in Ukraine, as in the state against which the aggression was committed. The arguments of “immunity theory” supporters are analyzed and counter-arguments are presented that such immunity is not valid in Ukraine and does not prevent prosecution under Ukrainian law. It is concluded that, regarding the aggressive war in Ukraine, the functional immunity of senior officials of the Russian Federation does not have any moral, social or legal grounds and the individuals who allegedly have such immunities are criminally liable not only under international criminal law but also Ukrainian law as well.
{"title":"Does Putin have immunity from criminal liability before Ukrainian court?","authors":"Vyacheslav Navrotskyy","doi":"10.31743/sp.16620","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31743/sp.16620","url":null,"abstract":"The question about criminal liability for waging this cruel war has been actualized since the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2014, and especially since the large-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. It is commonly recognized that such acts are crimes according to international criminal law and that liability must come under international judiciary bodies. By the same token, Ukrainian national legislation also provides for liability for those acts. At the same time, there are attempts to prove the fact that Putin and othersenior officials are not liable under Ukrainian criminal law since allegedly they have functional immunity and ordinary perpetrators of the aggression are not personally liable under Ukrainian law due to the so-called functional immunity. The publication aims to prove the wrongfulness of the statement that the abovementioned immunity status prevents criminal prosecution in Ukraine, as in the state against which the aggression was committed. The arguments of “immunity theory” supporters are analyzed and counter-arguments are presented that such immunity is not valid in Ukraine and does not prevent prosecution under Ukrainian law.\u0000It is concluded that, regarding the aggressive war in Ukraine, the functional immunity of senior officials of the Russian Federation does not have any moral, social or legal grounds and the individuals who allegedly have such immunities are criminally liable not only under international criminal law but also Ukrainian law as well.","PeriodicalId":22051,"journal":{"name":"Studia Prawnicze KUL","volume":"18 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140509891","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
W artykule przedstawiono sylwetkę wybitnego prawnika Rafała Lemkina. Skupiono się na jego działalności w II Rzeczypospolitej, na forum międzynarodowym do roku 1939 oraz działalności po roku 1940 poza granicami Polski. Rafał Lemkin uważany jest za twórcę pojęcia i terminu „ludobójstwa” oraz głównego animatora Konwencji Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych z dnia 9 grudnia 1948 r. w sprawie zapobiegania i karania zbrodni ludobójstwa. W tekście omówiono proces ewolucji pojęcia „ludobójstwa” z uwzględnieniem aspektu wrażliwości społecznej Rafała Lemkina. Poruszono kwestię wpływu dzieł tego autora na końcowy kształt definicji ludobójstwa. Wskazano analogię między zdefiniowaniem ludobójstwa przez Lemkina a trwającą wojną na Ukrainie, podkreślono aktualność jego dzieł w kontekście współczesności, uwzględniając zagrożenia nowych technologii oraz przemian kulturowych. Przywołano nowatorskie i odbierane jako kontrowersyjne w niektórych kręgach podejście Lemkina do przestępstwa zbrodni ludobójstwa. Zwrócono także uwagę na konieczność dalszego prowadzenia studiów nad pracami Lemkina oraz rozwijania badań nad nowymi obszarami, które mogą stać się „zbrodnią zbrodni” w obecnych czasach.
{"title":"Aktualność pojęcia ludobójstwa Rafała Lemkina w kontekście działań Rosji w Ukrainie","authors":"Dominik Tarczyński","doi":"10.31743/sp.16598","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31743/sp.16598","url":null,"abstract":"W artykule przedstawiono sylwetkę wybitnego prawnika Rafała Lemkina. Skupiono się na jego działalności w II Rzeczypospolitej, na forum międzynarodowym do roku 1939 oraz działalności po roku 1940 poza granicami Polski. Rafał Lemkin uważany jest za twórcę pojęcia i terminu „ludobójstwa” oraz głównego animatora Konwencji Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych z dnia 9 grudnia 1948 r. w sprawie zapobiegania i karania zbrodni ludobójstwa. W tekście omówiono proces ewolucji pojęcia „ludobójstwa” z uwzględnieniem aspektu wrażliwości społecznej Rafała Lemkina. Poruszono kwestię wpływu dzieł tego autora na końcowy kształt definicji ludobójstwa. Wskazano analogię między zdefiniowaniem ludobójstwa przez Lemkina a trwającą wojną na Ukrainie, podkreślono aktualność jego dzieł w kontekście współczesności, uwzględniając zagrożenia nowych technologii oraz przemian kulturowych. Przywołano nowatorskie i odbierane jako kontrowersyjne w niektórych kręgach podejście Lemkina do przestępstwa zbrodni ludobójstwa. Zwrócono także uwagę na konieczność dalszego prowadzenia studiów nad pracami Lemkina oraz rozwijania badań nad nowymi obszarami, które mogą stać się „zbrodnią zbrodni” w obecnych czasach.","PeriodicalId":22051,"journal":{"name":"Studia Prawnicze KUL","volume":"41 23","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139533653","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The issues of the most serious national and international crimes committed in human history and the political and legal measures taken by states to prevent their commission, as well as the question of the justice system responsible for these acts have been discussed by countless authors. However, there has been no attempt to present a set of interdependent elements that make it possible to organise this topic. The validity of the proposed research is based on the opinion that has been formulated after reviewing extensive documentation and supported by research already conducted, that the crime of genocide is usually committed by the ruling elite against the ruled, regardless of whether the ruling elite has the support of the majority of a given society. On the other hand, the authors of the article propose to examine the effectiveness of international legal instruments in the interpretation and development of the definition of genocide
{"title":"Assessment the effectiveness of international legal instruments in interpreting and developing the definition of genocide","authors":"Evghenia Gugulan, Ion Slisarenco","doi":"10.31743/sp.16559","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31743/sp.16559","url":null,"abstract":"The issues of the most serious national and international crimes committed in human history and the political and legal measures taken by states to prevent their commission, as well as the question of the justice system responsible for these acts have been discussed by countless authors. However, there has been no attempt to present a set of interdependent elements that make it possible to organise this topic.\u0000The validity of the proposed research is based on the opinion that has been formulated after reviewing extensive documentation and supported by research already conducted, that the crime of genocide is usually committed by the ruling elite against the ruled, regardless of whether the ruling elite has the support of the majority of a given society. On the other hand, the authors of the article propose to examine the effectiveness of international legal instruments in the interpretation and development of the definition of genocide","PeriodicalId":22051,"journal":{"name":"Studia Prawnicze KUL","volume":"33 21","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139534324","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Diariusz. Kalendarium ważniejszych wydarzeń naukowych z udziałem pracowników Wydziału Prawa, Prawa Kanonicznego i Administracji KUL kwiecień – czerwiec 2023 r.","authors":"Paweł Bucoń","doi":"10.31743/sp.16539","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31743/sp.16539","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":22051,"journal":{"name":"Studia Prawnicze KUL","volume":"56 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139533335","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Today, more than ever, the Internet and social media have become our primary sources of information, offering us a window to the world. However, this freedom to access and disseminate information has negative consequences, as it allows for a rapid spread of disinformation, propaganda, and hate speech. From the perspective of international human rights law, questions arise regarding the obligations and responsibilities of states. In this discussion, the authors argue that one of the primary tasks of states is to take necessary and appropriate measures to simultaneously protect the freedom of expression and prevent the spread of propaganda and disinformation. Balancing these conflicting interests is a complex challenge. To better understand them, the authors analyse selected examples from international and domestic jurisprudence and practice, such as the Rohingya genocide in Myanmar and the war in Ukraine. These cases serve to illustrate how state-sponsored propaganda and disinformation can lead to violence and result in grave human rights violations.
{"title":"International human rights law in the era of digital disinformation and propaganda: case studies from Myanmar and Ukraine","authors":"Michał Balcerzak, Julia Kapelańska-Pręgowska","doi":"10.31743/sp.16760","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31743/sp.16760","url":null,"abstract":"Today, more than ever, the Internet and social media have become our primary sources of information, offering us a window to the world. However, this freedom to access and disseminate information has negative consequences, as it allows for a rapid spread of disinformation, propaganda, and hate speech. From the perspective of international human rights law, questions arise regarding the obligations and responsibilities of states. In this discussion, the authors argue that one of the primary tasks of states is to take necessary and appropriate measures to simultaneously protect the freedom of expression and prevent the spread of propaganda and disinformation. Balancing these conflicting interests is a complex challenge. To better understand them, the authors analyse selected examples from international and domestic jurisprudence and practice, such as the Rohingya genocide in Myanmar and the war in Ukraine. These cases serve to illustrate how state-sponsored propaganda and disinformation can lead to violence and result in grave human rights violations.","PeriodicalId":22051,"journal":{"name":"Studia Prawnicze KUL","volume":" 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139625410","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Recenzja książki: Ustawa o pomocy obywatelom Ukrainy w związku z konfliktem zbrojnym na terytoriumtego państwa. Komentarz, red. Witold Klaus, Wolters Kluwer, Warszawa 2022, ss. 492.
书评：《援助乌克兰境内武装冲突中的乌克兰公民法》，评注，Witold Klaus 编辑，Wolters Kluwer，华沙，2022 年，第 492 页。评注，Witold Klaus 编辑，Wolters Kluwer，华沙，2022 年，第 492 页。
{"title":"Ustawa o pomocy obywatelom Ukrainy w związku z konfliktem zbrojnym na terytorium tego państwa. Komentarz, red. Witold Klaus, Wolters Kluwer","authors":"Milena Kloczkowska","doi":"10.31743/sp.16828","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31743/sp.16828","url":null,"abstract":"Recenzja książki: Ustawa o pomocy obywatelom Ukrainy w związku z konfliktem zbrojnym na terytoriumtego państwa. Komentarz, red. Witold Klaus, Wolters Kluwer, Warszawa 2022, ss. 492.\u0000 ","PeriodicalId":22051,"journal":{"name":"Studia Prawnicze KUL","volume":" 43","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139626721","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article deals with the relationship between three specific problems. These problems include legal issues related to running a business by municipalities, activities of municipalities in housing construction and municipal housing programmes (MHPs) as a manifestation of the legal and organizational independence of municipalities. In order to obtain reliable results of research in this area, the author decided to analyse the applicable standards and regulations regarding these issues and the views of the doctrine. In both cases, he observed that there are no detailed legal regulations relating to this issue, and thus there is also no in-depth analysis of this problem in the doctrine of legal sciences. All this resulted in the formulation of two types of conclusions. The existing regulations were assessed with the indication of their significant shortcomings. Moreover, conclusions were formulated regarding changes that the legislator should introduce to the Polish legal system to aid municipalities in meeting the housing needs of local communities. This work uses the method of analysing the legal text and, to a limited extent, the dogmatic approach.
{"title":"Commercial operations of municipalities in housing development . On the conflict between self-reliance and serving people and sufficiency of law","authors":"Dominik Tyrawa","doi":"10.31743/sp.14857","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31743/sp.14857","url":null,"abstract":"This article deals with the relationship between three specific problems. These problems include legal issues related to running a business by municipalities, activities of municipalities in housing construction and municipal housing programmes (MHPs) as a manifestation of the legal and organizational independence of municipalities. In order to obtain reliable results of research in this area, the author decided to analyse the applicable standards and regulations regarding these issues and the views of the doctrine. In both cases, he observed that there are no detailed legal regulations relating to this issue, and thus there is also no in-depth analysis of this problem in the doctrine of legal sciences. All this resulted in the formulation of two types of conclusions. The existing regulations were assessed with the indication of their significant shortcomings. Moreover, conclusions were formulated regarding changes that the legislator should introduce to the Polish legal system to aid municipalities in meeting the housing needs of local communities. This work uses the method of analysing the legal text and, to a limited extent, the dogmatic approach.","PeriodicalId":22051,"journal":{"name":"Studia Prawnicze KUL","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135246078","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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