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Why Nationalism最新文献

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The Two Faces of Janus 两面神
Pub Date : 2019-02-19 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvc77792.8
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引用次数: 0
This Place We Call Home 这个我们称之为家的地方
Pub Date : 2019-02-19 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvc77792.13
K. Animashaun
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引用次数: 0
Index 指数
Pub Date : 2019-02-19 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvc77792.27
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引用次数: 0
The Breakdown of the Cross-Class Coalition 跨阶级联合的瓦解
Pub Date : 2019-02-19 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvc77792.17
Yael Tamir
This chapter reviews the implications of the spread of globalism and neoliberalism on citizens. It analyzes how globalism created a democratic deficit, eroding the influence of citizens over decisions that shape their lives. The erosion of national citizenship influenced not only the political standing of individuals but also their economic status. The chapter also examines the national public education as the main victim of globalization. The inability of national education to play its designated mobilizing and integrative role is one of the main reasons that the state lost the respect of its citizens. Unable to fulfill its most basic traditional goals — namely, preparing children to cope with future social and economic tasks, supporting social mobility, and nurturing social cohesion — national education became one more divisive force. The chapter explains how higher education promoted social polarization, cultural differences, and political schisms.
本章回顾了全球主义和新自由主义对公民的影响。它分析了全球化如何造成了民主赤字,侵蚀了公民对影响其生活的决策的影响力。国民身份的丧失不仅影响到个人的政治地位,也影响到他们的经济地位。本章还考察了作为全球化主要受害者的国家公共教育。国民教育未能发挥其应有的动员和整合作用,是国家失去公民尊重的主要原因之一。国民教育无法实现其最基本的传统目标- -即培养儿童应付未来的社会和经济任务、支持社会流动和培养社会凝聚力- -从而成为一种更加分裂的力量。这一章解释了高等教育如何促进社会两极分化、文化差异和政治分裂。
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引用次数: 0
A Short History of the Cross-Class Coalition 跨阶级联盟简史
Pub Date : 2019-02-19 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvc77792.16
Yael Tamir
This chapter begins with narrating the creation of a cross-class coalition to offer all citizens a set of valuable goods and opportunities. It notes that nationalism started as a project of the elites, and in order to materialize it, they had to gather the support of the people. The chapter emphasizes that for social cooperation to prevail, participants need not attain identical goods and benefits; it is sufficient that they secure for themselves significant benefits they could not have otherwise acquired. It argues that membership in the nation became the relevant criteria for inclusion (and exclusion). Wealth, education, skills, and social status were still relevant for the distribution of power but could not be used as benchmarks for participation in the political game. The chapter also examines how the nation-state gave members of all classes a reason to participate in a collective effort to form a national political unit that would benefit (albeit in different ways and to a different extent) all its members. Ultimately, the chapter investigates why the emergence of the modern nation-state paved the way for inclusive social policies.
这一章首先叙述了跨阶级联盟的建立,为所有公民提供了一套有价值的商品和机会。它指出,民族主义最初是精英们的一项计划,为了实现它,他们必须获得人民的支持。本章强调,要使社会合作占上风,参与者不必获得相同的物品和利益;他们为自己争取到本来不可能获得的重大利益就足够了。它认为,在这个国家的成员资格成为了包容(和排斥)的相关标准。财富、教育、技能和社会地位仍然与权力分配有关,但不能作为参与政治游戏的基准。本章还探讨了民族国家如何给所有阶层的成员一个参与集体努力的理由,以形成一个国家政治单位,这将使其所有成员受益(尽管以不同的方式和程度)。最后,本章探讨了为什么现代民族国家的出现为包容性社会政策铺平了道路。
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引用次数: 0
The Nationalism of the Affluent 富人的民族主义
Pub Date : 2019-02-19 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvc77792.22
Yael Tamir
This chapter discusses the origin of the second kind of nationalism. It analyzes how members of minority nations are lured to question the existing national/political status quo when political power is eroded and the state faces a legitimization crisis. Yet, unlike the nationalism of the vulnerable that seeks to strengthen the nation-state, separatist nationalism wishes to seize the moment and loosen existing political frameworks. The chapter then elaborates the aims of separatism to recruit the support of all fellow nationals and form a cross-class coalition. In this sense, it is an inclusive kind of nationalism that labors to make its reference group as large and prosperous as possible. The chapter then turns to explore the power of utilitarian arguments to determine the construction of future states. Ultimately, it analyzes how the European Union led to the reemergence of small nations' nationalism. The chapter notes that today's separatist nationalism is the nationalism of small affluent nations that were oppressed by the threshold principle and were excluded from the national discourse because of utilitarian considerations.
本章论述了第二种民族主义的起源。它分析了当政治权力受到侵蚀,国家面临合法性危机时,少数民族成员是如何被引诱去质疑现有的国家/政治现状的。然而,与寻求加强民族国家的弱势民族主义不同,分离主义民族主义希望抓住时机,放松现有的政治框架。然后,本章详细阐述了分离主义的目的,即争取所有国民的支持,形成跨阶级的联盟。从这个意义上说,它是一种包容性的民族主义,努力使其参考群体尽可能地庞大和繁荣。然后,本章转向探讨功利主义论证决定未来国家建构的力量。最后,分析了欧盟是如何导致小国民族主义重新抬头的。本章指出,今天的分离主义民族主义是受门槛原则压迫的富裕小国的民族主义,这些国家由于功利主义的考虑而被排除在民族话语之外。
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引用次数: 0
National Creativity 国家的创造力
Pub Date : 2019-02-19 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvc77792.12
Yael Tamir
This chapter highlights the significance of a poem or a work of art. It argues that the value of a creative work, very often, can be appreciated only by referencing the works of others, shedding light on a particular narrative, being part of a certain national history or an artistic approach. The chapter also studies contemporary Hebrew literature, its contributions and inspiration. Nationalism, or small context creativity, gave their work meaning and in so doing created a wide space for personal expressions. In this sense, as in many others, the national creative sphere is far more open and all-encompassing than the global one. The chapter also explains how forgetfulness played an important role in the life of nations. It reviews how deliberate forgetfulness and misrepresentation of historical facts constituted an important, and perhaps indispensable, feature of nation building, allowing different groups to develop a sense of brotherhood. Ultimately, the chapter elaborates “history” as one example of the national sciences.
这一章强调一首诗或一件艺术品的意义。它认为,创造性作品的价值,通常只能通过参考他人的作品,阐明特定的叙述,成为某个国家历史或艺术方法的一部分来欣赏。本章还研究了当代希伯来文学,它的贡献和启示。民族主义,或小语境创造力,赋予了他们的作品意义,从而为个人表达创造了广阔的空间。在这个意义上,就像在许多其他意义上一样,国家的创意领域远比全球的更开放,更无所不包。本章还解释了遗忘在国家生活中扮演的重要角色。它回顾了故意遗忘和歪曲历史事实是如何构成国家建设的一个重要的,也许是不可或缺的特征,使不同的群体发展出一种兄弟情谊。最后,本章将“历史”作为国家科学的一个例子加以阐述。
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引用次数: 0
Subjects into Citizens 臣民变成公民
Pub Date : 2019-02-19 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvc77792.15
Yael Tamir
This chapter emphasizes the most effective and constructive tool of nation building: the public school. The chapter narrates public schools' formative moments, and how the states, comprised mainly of immigrants, embarked on an educational journey intended to transform inhabitants into fellow national. In the newly emerging United States of America, public education was taken to be the surest form of protection against tyranny, anarchy, factionalism, and the disruption of law and order. The chapter shows national education as a way of preserving the nation's freedom, encouraging political participation, and fostering a sense of brotherhood. Ultimately, the chapter investigates how national education turned subjects into citizens, allowing for the development of a set of linguistic and symbolic skills that facilitate communication between fellow nationals, evoking a willingness to work for the benefit of a common good.
本章强调国家建设最有效和最有建设性的工具:公立学校。这一章叙述了公立学校的形成时刻,以及主要由移民组成的州如何开始了旨在将居民转变为同胞的教育之旅。在新兴的美利坚合众国,公共教育被认为是防止暴政、无政府状态、派系斗争以及法律和秩序被破坏的最可靠的保护形式。这一章表明,国民教育是维护国家自由、鼓励政治参与和培养兄弟情谊的一种方式。最后,本章调查了国民教育是如何将主体转变为公民的,允许发展一套语言和符号技能,促进国民之间的交流,唤起为共同利益而工作的意愿。
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引用次数: 0
The Birth of a Nationalist 《一个民族主义者的诞生
Pub Date : 2019-02-19 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvc77792.20
Yael Tamir
This chapter explores the differences between nationalists and globalists. The chapter asserts that being a nationalist or a globalist is not a constitutive state of mind; on the contrary, in light of changing circumstances, individuals locate themselves at different points along the global—national (G—N) continuum. The chapter sheds new light on the correlation among education, rationality, and the way individuals position themselves on the G—N continuum. It argues that individuals are better of if they structure their preferences in light of actual risks and opportunities. The chapter also recounts social and economic circumstances affecting a person's scheme of risks and opportunities. The chapter elaborates the discussion concerning moral luck. It also assesses the impact of Lockean proviso, in which individuals have the right to acquire as much private property as they can (mostly land in Locke's days), as long as what they leave behind for others is enough and “as good.”
本章探讨民族主义者和全球主义者之间的差异。这一章断言,成为民族主义者或全球主义者并不是一种基本的心态;相反,根据不断变化的环境,个体将自己定位在全球-国家(G-N)连续体的不同点上。这一章揭示了教育、理性和个人在G-N连续体中定位自己的方式之间的相关性。它认为,如果个人根据实际的风险和机会来构建自己的偏好,他们会做得更好。本章还叙述了影响一个人的风险和机会计划的社会和经济环境。这一章详细阐述了关于道德运气的讨论。它还评估了洛克附带条款的影响,即个人有权获得尽可能多的私有财产(在洛克时代主要是土地),只要他们留给他人的足够和“同样好”。
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引用次数: 0
One Nation, Divided, under Stress 一个国家,分裂,在压力之下
Pub Date : 2019-02-19 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvc77792.18
Yael Tamir
This chapter states that the globalization of individuals (rather than of states or international organizations) can be seen as providing the highest degree of personal freedom. It discusses the three stages of globalism as defined in Thomas Friedman's book, The World Is Flat. The chapter also provides a bracing reflection of the two Americas. America, it argues, is now made up of two groups: the “FTE sector” — the people who work in finance, technology, and electronics — and “the low-wage sector.” The chapter then demonstrates election results in different countries which give this phenomenon a visual expression: two nations geographically divided, culturally dissimilar, economically disjointed, and politically opposed. Ultimately, the chapter examines the class divisions and how its new definition reflected the scheme of risks and opportunities individuals face.
本章指出,个人的全球化(而不是国家或国际组织的全球化)可以被视为提供最高程度的个人自由。它讨论了托马斯·弗里德曼(Thomas Friedman)在《世界是平的》(the World Is Flat)一书中定义的全球主义的三个阶段。这一章还令人振奋地反映了两个美洲。它认为,美国现在由两类人组成:“FTE部门”——在金融、技术和电子行业工作的人——和“低工资部门”。然后,本章展示了不同国家的选举结果,给这一现象一个直观的表达:两个国家在地理上分裂,文化上不同,经济上脱节,政治上对立。最后,本章考察了阶级划分及其新定义如何反映个人面临的风险和机会方案。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Why Nationalism
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