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Marvell’s ‘Nymph Complaining’ and the Erotics of Vitalism 马维尔的“仙女抱怨”和活力主义的情色
Pub Date : 2019-03-28 DOI: 10.1093/OXFORDHB/9780198736400.013.22
L. Marcus
This enigmatic complaint has been studied in terms of a number of registers: political and ecocritical, relating to the English Civil War and its devastation of the countryside; Ovidian, relating to the Nymph’s desire to be metamorphosed into part of the natural world as a way of monumentalizing and assimilating her grief; ecclesiastical, relating to traditional images of the English Church as a hortus conclusus; and many others. This chapter briefly surveys these various strangs of meaning and then considers an understudied seventeenth-century context that helps tie them together: vitalist materialist thought, which posited an empathic relationship among humans, elements of nature, and even objects like stones, which we now are likely to consider inanimate. Recent vitalist materialist theorists like Bruno Latour and Jane Bennett interpret earlier vitalist ideas as a reaction against Descartes and his violent separation of the human from the non-human, which ruled out the potential for sub-human entities to feel emotion. But long before Descartes, vitalism flourished in England, thanks to Galenic and Paracelsian medicine, the Hermetic Books and Kabbala, and various other sources. In light of vitalist thinking in England at mid-century, Marvell’s poem can be read as a project for keeping the connections between humans and the natural world alive even amidst the wrenching changes alluded to in the poem.
这种神秘的抱怨已经从许多方面进行了研究:政治和生态批评,与英国内战及其对农村的破坏有关;奥维德,与仙女想要变成自然世界的一部分的愿望有关,作为纪念和吸收她的悲伤的一种方式;教会的,与英国教会的传统形象有关;还有其他许多人。本章简要地调查了这些不同的奇怪的意义,然后考虑了一个未被充分研究的17世纪背景,它有助于将它们联系在一起:生机主义唯物主义思想,它假设了人类,自然元素,甚至像石头这样的物体之间的共情关系,我们现在可能认为石头是无生命的。布鲁诺·拉图尔(Bruno Latour)和简·班尼特(Jane Bennett)等最近的活力论唯物主义理论家将早期的活力论思想解释为对笛卡尔及其将人类与非人类强烈分离的观点的一种反应,后者排除了亚人类实体有情感的可能性。但早在笛卡尔之前,活力论就在英国蓬勃发展,这要归功于盖伦医学和帕拉塞尔医学、赫尔墨斯书籍和卡巴拉以及其他各种来源。考虑到20世纪中叶英国的生机主义思想,马维尔的这首诗可以理解为即使在诗中提到的痛苦变化中,也要保持人与自然世界之间的联系。
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引用次数: 1
England’s ‘Natural Frontier’
Pub Date : 2019-03-28 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198736400.013.7
Charles-Édouard Levillain
The purpose of this chapter is to examine Marvell’s attitude to the Low Countries, with a special interest in his Dutch connections. The Low Countries included the Dutch Republic and the Spanish Netherlands, two political and religious entities usually analysed separately in the historiography on the 1660s and 1670s. Marvell’s understanding of the condition of Flanders was based on his personal experience of international politics as well as a wide array of sources, ranging from Protestant and Catholic polemics to parliamentary debates. A combined knowledge of Dutch and Spanish sources is particularly useful in shedding light on the porous border that existed between Protestant and Catholic propaganda when it came to the designation of Louis XIV as Europe’s arch-enemy and aspiring universal monarchy. This article comes as the first attempt to reflect on the existence of a ‘Hapsburg connection’ in Marvell’s work.
本章的目的是考察马维尔对低地国家的态度,特别关注他与荷兰的关系。低地国家包括荷兰共和国和西属荷兰,这两个政治和宗教实体在1660年代和1670年代的史学中通常是分开分析的。马维尔对佛兰德斯状况的理解是基于他个人的国际政治经验,以及广泛的资料来源,从新教和天主教的辩论到议会辩论。当路易十四被指定为欧洲的头号敌人和雄心勃勃的普世君主时,对荷兰语和西班牙语资料的综合了解特别有助于阐明新教和天主教宣传之间存在的漏洞边界。这篇文章是第一次尝试在马维尔的作品中反思“哈布斯堡联系”的存在。
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引用次数: 0
Marvell and the Restoration Wits 马维尔和恢复智慧
Pub Date : 2019-03-28 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198736400.013.40
R. Hume, A. Marshall
Situating Marvell usefully among the other wits of his age turns out to be difficult. This chapter attempts to answer a broad question: does the context of ‘the wits of the age’ offer any insight into the kind of satirist and polemicist Marvell was? He was a pre-Whig political ally of Buckingham and Rochester, but in terms of satiric aims and modes, he is much more akin to Butler (and Dryden), to whom he was ideologically opposed. In many ways Marvell fits awkwardly in the literary milieu of the Restoration. His serious, polemical satire is civic-minded and ideological (not purely partisan); his work is remote from the defamation, literary squabbles, and venomously personal political satire prominent in Charles II’s England. If we are looking for a helpful context for Marvell’s polemical satire, we should turn not to the great authors of the age, but to the likes of Butler and to the world of anonymous state poems.
事实证明,要把马维尔有效地安置在同龄的聪明人中间是很困难的。本章试图回答一个广泛的问题:“时代的智慧”的背景是否提供了任何关于马维尔是那种讽刺作家和辩论家的见解?在辉格党之前,他是白金汉和罗切斯特的政治盟友,但就讽刺的目的和方式而言,他更像巴特勒(和德莱顿),他在意识形态上反对后者。在很多方面,马维尔都很尴尬地适应了复辟时期的文学环境。他严肃的、有争议的讽刺作品具有公民意识和意识形态(而非纯粹的党派倾向);他的作品远离了查理二世统治下的英国的诽谤、文学纷争和恶毒的个人政治讽刺。如果我们想为马维尔的论战性讽刺寻找一个有用的背景,我们不应该去看那个时代的伟大作家,而应该去看巴特勒之类的人,去看那些无名的国家诗歌。
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引用次数: 2
The Commissioning, Writing, and Printing of Mr. Smirke 斯默克先生的委托、写作和印刷
Pub Date : 2019-03-28 DOI: 10.1093/OXFORDHB/9780198736400.013.32
M. Dzelzainis, S. Coster
When Mr. Smirke; or, the Divine in Mode appeared in May 1676 it outraged the Anglican establishment. Branded a ‘sheet so seditious and defamatory to Christian Religion’, the authorities moved swiftly to have it suppressed. Yet while Marvell’s authorship was common knowledge, no action was taken against anyone but the publisher, Nathaniel Ponder, who was briefly detained in the Gatehouse. To date there has been no satisfactory scholarly account of the genesis of Mr. Smirke or the puzzling government reaction. This chapter revisits the origins of Mr. Smirke, examining newly discovered archival materials and bibliographical evidence to illuminate the circumstances of its printing and publication, and, with it, Marvell’s seeming immunity. It also reconsiders Marvell’s relationship with Sir Edward Harley and the significance of his Puritan politics by way of underlining the implausibility of the allegation that Marvell was somehow denigrating Christianity in Mr. Smirke.
当斯默克先生;1676年5月,《神的模式》出版,这激怒了英国国教。这是一份“对基督教如此具有煽动性和诽谤性的报纸”,当局迅速采取行动将其压制。然而,虽然马维尔的作者身份是众所周知的,但除了出版商纳撒尼尔·庞德(Nathaniel Ponder)之外,没有对任何人采取任何行动,后者被短暂拘留在门房。到目前为止,对于斯默克先生的起源和令人费解的政府反应,还没有令人满意的学术解释。这一章回顾了《斯默克先生》的起源,研究了新发现的档案材料和书目证据,以阐明其印刷和出版的环境,以及与之相关的马维尔似乎的豁免权。它还重新考虑了马维尔与爱德华·哈雷爵士的关系,以及他的清教政治的重要性,强调了马维尔在《斯默克先生》中诋毁基督教的指控是不可信的。
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引用次数: 1
Marvell and Lyrics of Undifference 奇迹和歌词的差异
Pub Date : 2019-03-28 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198736400.013.23
D. Hirst, S. Zwicker
In recent times, Marvell’s lyric poems have been increasingly read with an eye to the social and the topical: the sociabilities of the author, the topicalities of his verse. This essay faces in another direction, suggesting that in poems like ‘The Nymph Complaining’ the topical was a means for Marvell to explore inward matter, an occasion to see the interior life projected into the world. In such lyrics, Marvell discovers two distinct sites of suspension or coming-to-be: tears, in which categories and differences are dissolved; childhood, where the conditions of differentiation that underlie the adult order are suspended or elided. The poet’s fascination with the figure of the child reveals a preoccupation with a pre-sexual state altogether congruent with the primal oneness imagined in the ‘Mower’ poems and ‘The Garden’ and adventured so achingly in ‘The Nymph Complaining’. Such a reading as we propose uncovers the strange and compelling fit of the ontological and the psychological in Marvell’s work.
近年来,马维尔的抒情诗越来越多地带着社会和话题的眼光来阅读:作者的社交能力,他的诗歌的话题性。这篇文章面对的是另一个方向,表明在像《抱怨的少女》这样的诗歌中,主题是马维尔探索内心事物的一种手段,是一个看到内心生活投射到世界上的机会。在这样的歌词中,马维尔发现了两个不同的暂停或即将到来的地方:眼泪,其中类别和差异被溶解;童年时期,作为成人秩序基础的分化条件被搁置或忽略。诗人对孩子形象的迷恋揭示了一种对前性状态的关注与割草机诗歌和花园中想象的原始一体完全一致在抱怨的仙女中也经历了如此痛苦的冒险。我们提出的这种解读揭示了马维尔作品中本体论和心理学的奇怪而令人信服的契合。
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引用次数: 1
Harsh Remedies 严厉的补救措施
Pub Date : 2019-03-14 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198736400.013.27
Warren Chernaik
In The Rehearsal Transpros’d, Marvell characterized his approach to satire as being ‘merry and angry’ at once. Though politically opposed, Marvell shared John Dryden’s conviction that ‘the true end of Satyre, is the amendment of Vices by correction’—the satirist resembled a physician who prescribes ‘harsh Remedies to an inveterate Disease’. But where Dryden claims in the Preface to Absalom and Achitophel to be addressing ‘the more Moderate sort’, Marvell in ‘Last Instruction to a Painter’ (at nearly 1,000 lines, his longest poem) is openly partisan and controversially subverts the conventions of the royalist panegyric and portrait paintings, products of a court society excoriated by his friend John Milton as full of ‘flatteries and prostrations’. Marvell insistently links sexual and political corruption, vividly depicting a world in which appetite alone rules. Though deeply critical of Charles II as the fount of corruption in the sick state, its stance, rather than being openly republican, is to offer counsel to the King, in the hope that he is not yet beyond reform.
在《跨界排练》(The Rehearsal Transpros)中,马维尔将自己的讽刺手法描述为“既快乐又愤怒”。尽管马维尔在政治上持反对意见,但他和约翰·德莱顿一样坚信,“讽刺作家的真正目的,是通过纠正来纠正恶习”——讽刺作家就像一位医生,给“一种根深蒂固的疾病开了严厉的药方”。但是德莱顿在《押沙龙和亚基多弗的序言》中声称是在说"更温和的人",马维尔在《给画家的最后指示》中(将近1000行,他最长的诗)公开地支持并有争议地颠覆了保皇党颂词和肖像画的惯例,宫廷社会的产品被他的朋友约翰·弥尔顿谴责为充满了"奉承和跪拜"马维尔坚持把性和政治腐败联系在一起,生动地描绘了一个由欲望主宰的世界。虽然深深批评查理二世是这个病态国家腐败的根源,但它的立场,而不是公开的共和主义,是向国王提供建议,希望他还没有超越改革的范围。
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引用次数: 0
Visualizing Marvell 可视化马维尔
Pub Date : 2019-03-14 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198736400.013.15
Katherine O. Acheson
Marvell’s poetry is distinguished by its preoccupation with forms, practices, and theories of the visual and plastic arts. Among the many fields of visual culture in which Marvell’s imagination played is that of print itself. This chapter focuses on visual features of print that might contribute to our understanding of Marvell’s identity as a poet within the culture in which his work circulated. First, the chapter considers Marvell’s early printed elegies and commendatory verses and how their layout represents the early modern poet in print. Second, the chapter considers the frontispiece portrait of Marvell printed in Miscellaneous Poems in the context of seventeenth-century portraits of poets and in relation to critical reception of his work in more recent times. The chapter demonstrates how visual evidence can lead to deeper understanding of how poets imagined themselves and their work in relation to their audiences, their genres and modes, and their peers.
马维尔的诗歌以其对视觉和造型艺术的形式、实践和理论的关注而闻名。马维尔的想象力在视觉文化的许多领域中发挥作用,其中包括印刷本身。这一章的重点是印刷品的视觉特征,这可能有助于我们理解马维尔作为诗人在他的作品传播的文化中的身份。首先,这一章考虑了马维尔早期印刷的挽歌和赞美诗,以及它们的布局如何代表早期现代诗人的印刷。第二,这一章将马维尔的扉页肖像印在《杂项诗歌》中,放在17世纪诗人肖像的背景下,并与他的作品在更近的时期受到的批评有关。本章展示了视觉证据如何能让我们更深入地理解诗人如何想象自己和他们的作品与观众、他们的体裁和模式以及他们的同龄人之间的关系。
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引用次数: 0
Ruin the Sacred Truths 破坏神圣的真理
Pub Date : 2019-03-14 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198736400.013.39
John Rogers
This chapter begins by reviewing the relationship between Milton and Marvell, but is devoted more expansively to their literary and intellectual ties. It examines the presence of Milton in Marvell’s pastoral poetry of the early 1650s where Marvell engages with the ‘Nativity Ode’, Comus, and ‘Lycidas’ but avoids reproducing the prophetic quality of Milton’s voice, hedging his allusiveness with delicate irony. The chapter also examines Marvell’s later engagement with Milton’s tolerationist treatises. Like Milton, Marvell is shaped by recent heterodox positions, but steers away from the boldness of the Miltonic vision. Where Milton asks the state to tolerate a variety of fully independent churches and religions, Marvell clings to the more conservative hope that the Church of England will merely include, or ‘comprehend’, a wider range of beliefs and believers. A political realist and a literary ironist, Marvell distances himself from the political idealism and prophetic literariness of Milton.
这一章从回顾弥尔顿和马维尔之间的关系开始,但更广泛地致力于他们的文学和智力联系。它考察了弥尔顿在1650年代早期马维尔田园诗中的存在,马维尔在《圣诞颂歌》,《科玛斯》和《利西达斯》中有涉及,但避免再现弥尔顿声音的预言性质,用微妙的讽刺来掩盖他的暗示。这一章还考察了马维尔后来对弥尔顿宽容主义论文的参与。和弥尔顿一样,马维尔也受到了最近非正统观点的影响,但他避开了弥尔顿观点的大胆。弥尔顿要求国家容忍各种完全独立的教会和宗教,而马维尔则坚持更保守的希望,希望英国国教仅仅包括或“理解”更广泛的信仰和信徒。作为一名政治现实主义者和文学讽刺家,马维尔将自己与弥尔顿的政治理想主义和预言性文学区分开来。
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引用次数: 2
Urban Marvell 城市马维尔
Pub Date : 2019-03-14 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198736400.013.17
Sean Mcdowell
After his return to London from his Continental travels in the 1640s, Andrew Marvell comported himself as an avowed Londoner, deeply focused on politics, diplomacy, and the hurly-burly of everyday life in the capital. Indeed, life in the capital powerfully shaped his literary expression. The booming coffee-house culture informed his approach to raillery and animadversion. Popular Restoration plays inspired his controversialist prose. And specific sensational events, news items, or public works occasioned much of his satirical verse. Through layers of allusion and resonance arising from these various contexts, Marvell’s later writings provide an impressionistic portrayal of urban London, the vibrancy of which animated Marvell’s imagination during the last eighteen years of his life.
17世纪40年代,安德鲁·马维尔从欧洲大陆旅行回到伦敦后,把自己打扮成一个公开承认的伦敦人,深深地关注着政治、外交和首都日常生活的喧嚣。事实上,首都的生活有力地塑造了他的文学表达。蓬勃发展的咖啡馆文化影响了他对嘲讽和批评的态度。复辟时期流行的戏剧启发了他的争议性散文。而具体的轰动事件、新闻项目或公共工程也引发了他的许多讽刺诗。通过这些不同背景下产生的层层暗示和共鸣,马维尔后来的作品为伦敦城市提供了一种印象派的描绘,在他生命的最后18年里,伦敦的活力激发了马维尔的想象力。
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引用次数: 0
Marvell and Jonson 马维尔和约翰逊
Pub Date : 2016-09-01 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198736400.013.34
T. Lockwood
This chapter explores the meaning and varieties of praise and dispraise in Marvell’s relationship with Ben Jonson. The chapter offers readings of Marvell’s engagements with Jonson in his lyric verse, in ‘Tom May’s Death’, and in some of his later prose and poetry, including ‘On Mr Milton’s Paradise Lost’. Exploring the different ways in which Marvell may have encountered Jonson’s poems and plays in manuscript, in print, and in the theatre, this chapter investigates, and considers at its close, what T. S. Eliot in 1921 called ‘the vast and penetrating influence of Ben Jonson’ on Marvell.
本章探讨了马维尔与本·琼森关系中表扬和不表扬的意义和变化。这一章提供了马维尔与约翰逊在他的抒情诗,《汤姆·梅之死》,以及他后来的一些散文和诗歌,包括《论弥尔顿先生的失乐园》中的合作。本章探讨了马维尔在手稿、印刷品和戏剧中可能遇到琼森诗歌和戏剧的不同方式,并在结尾处考虑了t·s·艾略特在1921年所说的“本·琼森对马维尔的巨大而深刻的影响”。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
The Oxford Handbook of Andrew Marvell
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