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“A Bone Pin From Kazakl’i-Yatkan/Akcha-Khan-Kala, Chorasmia”
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1484/J.JIAAA.2.302541
Fiona. Kidd
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引用次数: 1
Tracing the Sources of the Book of Zambasta: the Case of the Yakṣa Painter Simile and the Kāśyapaparivarta 《赞巴斯塔之书》的来源追溯:Yakṣa画家明喻与Kāśyapaparivarta的案例
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1484/J.JIAA.3.10
Giuliana Martini
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引用次数: 6
Textiles and Clothing Excavated from the Tombs of Buzak in Khotan 于阗布扎克墓出土的纺织品和服装
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1484/J.JIAA.3.16
Feng Zhao, Le Wang
In December 2006, the authors visited Khotan Museum to study the clothes on three bodies that had been discovered in the 1970s (M70), 1983 (M83), and 1984 (M84), from the tombs of Buzak, a cemetery situated south-west of Khotan city.1 All three tombs had been damaged by flooding on several occasions. Archaeologists from the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Museum, Urumqi, and the local museum in Khotan excavated the tombs and brought the bodies back to Khotan museum. On the basis of the style of the coffins, the burials can be assigned to the pre-Islamic period from the tenth to the early eleventh centuries. Buzak is probably the only site in Khotan where textiles and clothes from the period immediately preceding the advent of Islam have been found and is therefore of great importance for Khotan studies. With the exception of M84:7, which is now in the Xinjiang Museum in Urumqi, all the exhibits are in the Khotan Museum, Khotan. Except for M84:7 and 8a, the textiles and clothing still cover the bodies. Since none has been given exhibit numbers, we have numbered them according to the year they were discovered.2 In the course of our investigations, we analyzed all the textiles and clothing and recorded the following details:
2006年12月,作者访问了于阗博物馆,研究了在于阗西南部的布扎克墓地中分别于1970年代(M70)、1983年(M83)、1984年(M84)出土的3具尸体上的衣服这三座陵墓都曾多次被洪水破坏。来自乌鲁木齐新疆维吾尔族自治博物馆和于阗当地博物馆的考古学家挖掘了这些坟墓,并将尸体带回于阗博物馆。根据棺材的风格,这些墓葬可以被划分为前伊斯兰时期,从10世纪到11世纪初。布扎克可能是于阗唯一发现伊斯兰教到来之前的纺织品和衣服的地方,因此对于阗的研究非常重要。除了M84:7现在在乌鲁木齐的新疆博物馆,所有的展品都在于阗博物馆。除了M84:7和8a,纺织品和衣服仍然覆盖着尸体。由于没有人给它们编号,我们就按照它们被发现的年份给它们编号在调查过程中,我们分析了所有纺织品和服装,并记录了以下细节:
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引用次数: 0
Central Asian Manuscripts ‘Are Not Worth Much To Us’: The Thousand-Buddha Caves in Early Twentieth-Century China 中亚手稿“对我们来说价值不大”:二十世纪初中国的千佛洞
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1484/J.JIAA.3.28
J. Jacobs
As word filtered up through the local yamens in xinjiang 新 疆 in the summer of 1901 that a “casual foreign traveler” (youlizhe 游歷者) had unearthed “wooden tablets, fragments of leather plaitings ... [and] quite a bit of tattered paper with tracings of writing visible,” the Chinese-educated officials serving on the Qing 清 frontier apparently assumed that such writings would be in their own language. How else to account for the seemingly naive bureaucratic request forwarded to Pan Zhen 潘震 (Stein’s “Pan Darin”), district magistrate of Khotan, that he “transcribe” an additional file copy of several 2,000-year-old Sanskrit documents that archaeologist Marc Aurel Stein had produced for his inspection? The awkward position in which Pan found himself as he carefully crafted his May 17, 1901 reply is evident. “Insofar as I cannot make out the style of calligraphy used in this script,” he admitted sheepishly, “any attempt to trace a copy by hand would ultimately prove futile.”1 What Pan did not wish to admit openly was that the “style of calligraphy” in question was in fact an entirely different language, one that very few in the employ of the Qing government could accurately identify, much less “copy by hand.” Pan Zhen’s inability to make sense of the Sanskrit documents unearthed by Stein was indicative of a much larger cultural bias among the Sino-Manchu-Mongolian ruling class in northwestern China. Ye Changchi 業昌熾, the provincial education commissioner for Gansu 甘肅 province from 1902 to 1906, maintained copious diary entries regarding the specific contents of Chinese-language documents and steles that had begun to trickle out of Dunhuang’s 敦煌 Thousand-Buddha Caves (qianfodong 千佛洞) during his tenure in Gansu. In his entry for September 28, 1904, however, Ye made only a terse remark regarding the receipt of a gift of “31 leaves of a manuscript sutra ... all in Sanskrit,” whose strange script he derisively characterized as a “flurry of raindrops in a windy storm, with letters puny as flies.” In December 1909, however, three years after retiring to his home in Zhejiang 浙江 province, Ye deeply mourned reports that the French Sinologist Paul Pelliot had carted off a great many Chinese “Tang-Song manuscripts and paintings” from the Dunhuang cave library.2 The linguistic preferences of Western and Chinese scholars were also evident within the northwestern manuscript forgery business. Peddlers of manuscripts (both real and forged) living in China proper shrewdly perceived that Chinese-educated officials, antiquarians, and scholars would only open their purses for documents penned in Chinese. Chen Jikan 陳季侃, a government official first stationed in Gansu in 1917, recalled that by the time he arrived in Dunhuang it had “already become quite difficult to purchase the best of the Tang manuscripts. And if they were inscribed with a year or were written during the time of the Six Dynasties [222–589, the dates of the earliest manuscripts], the price was extraordinarily hi
1901年夏天,新疆当地的亚门流传着这样的消息:一位“偶然的外国旅行者”(youlizhe,音译)发现了“木碑、皮革编结的碎片……(和)相当多的破纸上可见的文字痕迹,”在清朝边境服役的受过中文教育的官员显然认为这些文字是用他们自己的语言写的。否则如何解释向于阗地方长官潘震(斯坦因的“潘大林”)提出的看似幼稚的官僚要求,即让他“抄写”考古学家马克·奥雷尔·斯坦因为他检查而制作的几份2000年前的梵文文件的附加文件副本?1901年5月17日,潘在精心撰写他的回信时所处的尴尬境地是显而易见的。“到目前为止,我还看不清这份手稿的书法风格,”他不好意思地承认,“任何试图用手描摹的努力最终都是徒劳的。”1潘不愿公开承认的是,所讨论的“书法风格”实际上是一种完全不同的语言,清政府的雇员中很少有人能准确识别,更不用说“手写”了。潘震无法理解斯坦出土的梵文文件,这表明中国西北的汉满蒙统治阶级存在着更大的文化偏见。1902年至1906年担任甘肃省教育专员的叶长池,在甘肃任职期间,保存了大量关于从敦煌千佛洞(千佛洞)流出的中文文件和石碑的具体内容的日记。然而,在他1904年9月28日的记录中,叶只做了一个简短的评论,关于收到“三十四页手稿经文……”都是梵语。”他嘲笑地说,梵语的奇特笔迹就像“狂风暴雨中的一阵雨点,字母小得像苍蝇。”然而,1909年12月,在他回到浙江的家中三年后,他对法国汉学家保罗·伯利奥从敦煌洞穴图书馆偷走了大量中国“唐宋手稿和绘画”的报道深表哀悼西方和中国学者的语言偏好在西北手稿伪造业务中也很明显。生活在中国的手抄本小贩(真假都有)精明地意识到,受过中文教育的官员、古物学家和学者只会打开钱包购买用中文写的文件。1917年首次派驻甘肃的政府官员陈纪侃回忆说,当他到达敦煌时,“已经很难买到最好的唐朝手稿了。”如果上面刻有年份,或者是六朝时期(最早的手稿的年代222-589年)写的,价格就会非常高。”到1925年,一位中国学者经过敦煌时发现,“尽管选择平淡无奇,但每一份手稿的要价都非常高,更长的手稿卖得更高。”相比之下,梵文手稿“卖得很差,因此非常便宜”。什么样的人最有可能用大量的银子来换取一小段中文写的麻、丝或纸呢?1911年辛亥革命前夕,一位在甘肃和新疆旅行的清朝官员赵维熙(音译)提供了一位对敦煌汉文手稿感兴趣的买家的典型性格特征。他在甘肃嘉裕关附近的一家路边客栈里休息,为即将进入中国突厥斯坦做准备,他在一本敦煌Mahā-parinirvāna经的背面写了一个很长的附注,这是他从前驻军指挥官柴红山那里得到的。“纸张和墨水看起来都是全新的,而人物则充满活力和流畅,温柔而肌肉发达,”赵说。注意到与几位著名唐代书法家的风格相似之处,赵评论说:“结构紧密有序。充满了潜在的活力,在形式和外观上,人物成功地协调了优雅和优雅,坚定,健壮的仪态。”这样的壮举,赵认为,“只能从一个早期的唐天才的画笔。”在将《经》的7788个字一一列表后,赵得意地宣称:“每一个字都值一颗珍珠,如果放在一个容器里,这些珍珠会从旁边炸出来。”赵对中国书法艺术中深奥的细节有着狂热的崇拜——这类紫色散文占据了整部作品的三分之一以上——这并非个例。
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引用次数: 2
Nana: The “Original” Goddess on the Lion 娜娜:狮子雕像上的“原始”女神
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1484/J.JIAAA.2.301927
M. Ghose
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引用次数: 9
The Seal of a Eunuch in the Sasanian Court 萨珊王朝太监的印章
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1484/J.JIAAA.2.301928
Judith A. Lerner
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引用次数: 4
High-spouted ewers of Khorasan and Central Asia 呼罗珊和中亚的高喷射器
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1484/J.JIAAA.2.301935
G. Fehérvári
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引用次数: 0
An Illustrated Parchment Folio from a Middle Persian Manichaean Codex in the Collection of the British Library, Or. 12452D/3 (Kao. 0111) 大英图书馆收藏的中波斯摩尼教手抄本的插图羊皮纸开本,Or. 12452D/3 (Kao. 0111)
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1484/J.JIAAA.2.301934
Zsuzsanna Gulácsi, Ursula Sims-Williams, W. Sundermann
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引用次数: 2
Notes on Kus.ān.a Chronology and the Bactrian Era 关于Kus.ān的说明。a年表与大夏时代
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1484/J.JIAAA.2.301924
M. Carter
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引用次数: 1
Change and Continuity in the Samarkand Oasis: Evidence for the Islamic Conquest from the Citadel of Kafir Kala 撒马尔罕绿洲的变化和连续性:来自卡菲尔卡拉城堡的伊斯兰征服证据
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1484/J.JIAAA.4.2017012
S. Mantellini, Serena Di Cugno, Rita Dimartino, Amreddin E. Berdimuradov
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引用次数: 4
期刊
Journal of Inner Asian Art and Archaeology
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