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Pelliot tibétain 2222: a Dunhuang painting with a Khotanese inscription* 《Pelliot tib<s:1> 2222:敦煌绘于阗文》*
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1484/J.JIAA.3.9
M. Maggi, A. Filigenzi
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引用次数: 1
A Stone Quarry in the Hinterland of Karakorum, Mongolia, with Evidence of Chinese Stonemasons 蒙古喀喇昆仑腹地的采石场与中国石匠的证据
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1484/J.JIAAA.5.107589
J. Bemmann, Thomas O. Höllmann, B. Ahrens, T. Kaiser, S. Müller
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引用次数: 5
The Akchakhan-kala Wall Paintings: New Perspectives on Kingship and Religion in Ancient Chorasmia 阿克查罕-卡拉壁画:对古代Chorasmia王权与宗教的新视角
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1484/J.JIAAA.4.2017007
A. Betts, V. Yagodin, F. Grenet, Fiona. Kidd, Michele Minardi, Mélodie Bonnat, Stanislav Khashimov
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引用次数: 11
Wall Paintings from Tavka, Uzbekistan 乌兹别克斯坦塔夫卡的壁画
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1484/J.JIAAA.4.2017003
S. A. Rakhmanov
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引用次数: 0
A Statistical vs. a Sensory Approach: Sasanian Ceramic Studies in the Light of Ceramics of the Merv Oasis 统计vs.感官方法:以梅尔夫绿洲陶瓷为例的萨珊陶瓷研究
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1484/J.JIAA.3.29
S. Priestman
In Ceramics of the Merv Oasis: Recycling the City, Gabriele Puschnigg1 employs part of the data set recovered during the International Merv Project (IMP) excavations undertaken at the ancient “Silk-Road” city of Merv in southern Turkmenistan (between 1992 and 2000) as a test case for an advanced processing methodology aimed at defining the principal attributes of the Mid-Late Sasanian ceramic assemblage. As such, Puschnigg’s work has relevance that extends beyond the study of Sasanian ceramics or the isolated Merv oasis. The author was a key member of the team responsible for processing large quantities of ceramics recovered during each season of the excavation and has since become Assistant Director of continued investigations at the site, begun in 2001 as the Ancient Merv Project: a collaboration between University College London, and the Ministry of Culture of Turkmenistan.
在《梅尔夫绿洲的陶瓷:城市的再循环》一书中,Gabriele Puschnigg1使用了国际梅尔夫项目(IMP)在土库曼斯坦南部梅尔夫古代“丝绸之路”城市(1992年至2000年)进行的挖掘过程中收集的部分数据集,作为一种先进处理方法的测试案例,该方法旨在定义中晚期萨莎尼亚陶瓷组合的主要属性。因此,Puschnigg的工作的相关性超出了对萨珊陶瓷或孤立的Merv绿洲的研究。作者是负责处理在挖掘的每个季节中发现的大量陶瓷的小组的主要成员,并自2001年起成为继续调查该遗址的助理主任,该遗址是伦敦大学学院和土库曼斯坦文化部合作开展的古梅尔夫项目。
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引用次数: 0
The Third Ōtani Expedition at Dunhuang: Acquisition of the Japanese Collection of Dunhuang Manuscripts 第三次Ōtani敦煌考察:日本敦煌手稿收藏的获取
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1484/J.JIAA.3.3
I. Galambos
Aurel Stein’s 1907 visit to the hidden cave library at the Thousand Buddha Caves near Dunhuang, and especially his acquisition of a large number of manuscripts there, came as exciting news to archaeologists and researchers worldwide. Paul Pelliot’s visit a few months later yielded an equally impressive collection of documents, which was soon to stir the interest of leading Chinese intellectuals. As a result of their efforts, the Chinese Ministry of Education issued a government directive to transport the remaining manuscripts to the capital in 1909, with this effectively putting an end to the sale of these to foreign explorers. However, the two members of the third Ōtani expedition were still able to acquire a significant number of documents in Dunhuang in 1911-1912. Japan was a relatively new participant in the exploration of Central Asia. It had recently demonstrated its economic and military strength by unexpectedly defeating the Russians in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905 and emerged as a major player in East Asia. As was the case with European imperialistic powers, Japan’s colonial ambitions were accompanied by an increased interest in the Qing empire, especially its non-Han regions of Manchuria, Mongolia, Xinjiang, and Tibet. The archaeological exploration of North-West China, however, was conducted as a private enterprise rather than a government-sponsored project. The man behind these ambitious plans was Count Ōtani Kōzui (1876-1948), leader of the powerful Nishi Honganji Branch of the Jōdo shinshū sect, who sponsored a series of expeditions with the specific aim of exploring the Buddhist sites of the region. While staying in London in 1900-1902, the young Ōtani was fascinated by the discoveries of Buddhist remains in Western China by European explorers such as Sven Hedin and Aurel Stein. He believed that as a Buddhist priest thoroughly trained in the Chinese tradition he would be able to make a contribution to the exploration of the spread of Buddhism in this region. In 1902, when it was time for him to leave London, he decided to return home to Japan with a handful of followers by taking the overland route via Central Asia. Although his own participation in the journey was cut short by the death of his father, his men stayed behind to continue the exploration for a total of two years. In 1908, four years after the end of the first trip, Ōtani sent two young explorers to Mongolia and Xinjiang for a second round of exploration. The two men traversed the Gobi desert and entered Western China from the north. The team leader was the eighteen-year old Tachibana Zuichō (18901968) who on this trip discovered the famous fourth century Li Bo manuscript in the vicinity of Loulan, a find that shortly made his name known in academic circles in the West. The expedition ended in India from where Tachibana travelled with Ōtani to London. During the six months in Europe, Tachibana was elected a member of the Royal Geographical Society and was able t
斯坦因(Aurel Stein) 1907年参观了敦煌附近的千佛洞(Thousand Buddha Caves)隐藏的洞穴图书馆,特别是他在那里获得了大量手稿,这对全世界的考古学家和研究人员来说是一个令人兴奋的消息。几个月后,保罗·伯利奥(Paul Pelliot)的访问带来了同样令人印象深刻的文件收藏,这些文件很快引起了中国主要知识分子的兴趣。由于他们的努力,中国教育部于1909年发布了一项政府指令,将剩余的手稿运送到首都,这有效地结束了向外国探险家出售这些手稿的行为。然而,第三次Ōtani考察队的两名成员仍然能够在1911-1912年在敦煌获得大量文件。在对中亚的探索中,日本是一个相对较新的参与者。在1904年至1905年的日俄战争中,日本出人意料地击败了俄罗斯人,展示了自己的经济和军事实力,并成为东亚地区的主要参与者。与欧洲帝国主义列强的情况一样,日本的殖民野心伴随着对清帝国日益增长的兴趣,尤其是对满洲、蒙古、新疆和西藏等非汉族地区的兴趣。然而,中国西北的考古探险是作为私人企业进行的,而不是政府资助的项目。这些雄心勃勃的计划背后的人是Ōtani Kōzui伯爵(1876-1948),他是强大的Jōdo信教西弘庵支的领袖,他赞助了一系列的探险活动,目的是探索该地区的佛教遗址。1900年至1902年在伦敦期间,年轻的Ōtani被斯文·赫丁(Sven Hedin)和斯坦因(Aurel Stein)等欧洲探险家在中国西部发现的佛教遗迹所吸引。他相信,作为一名受过中国传统教育的佛教僧侣,他将能够为探索佛教在该地区的传播做出贡献。1902年,当他要离开伦敦的时候,他决定带着少数追随者通过中亚陆路返回日本。虽然他自己的参与由于他父亲的去世而缩短了,但他的同伴们留下来继续探险,总共持续了两年。1908年,第一次探险结束四年后,Ōtani派了两位年轻的探险家到蒙古和新疆进行第二次探险。这两个人穿过戈壁沙漠,从北方进入中国西部。探险队的领队是18岁的立花瑞一(1890 - 1968),他在这次旅行中在楼兰附近发现了著名的四世纪李伯手稿,这一发现很快使他在西方学术界名声大噪。探险在印度结束,立花带着Ōtani从那里前往伦敦。在欧洲的六个月里,立花被选为皇家地理学会的成员,并能够亲自会见一些著名的欧洲探险家,包括奥雷尔·斯坦因和阿尔伯特·冯·勒·科克。1910年8月,他离开伦敦,在他的英国助手A.O.霍布斯的陪同下开始了下一次探险。这次旅行今天被称为第三次Ōtani探险。在穿越俄罗斯进入中国中亚地区后,考古队开始在吐鲁番附近进行挖掘。此后,立花选择了一条艰难崎岖的道路,向楼兰前进,然后再往南走到塔克拉玛干路线。为了轻装上路,省掉他的同伴,他命令霍布斯把他们的大部分行李运到库查,在那里等着。然而,不幸的是,这位英国人感染了天花,在他们俩有机会团聚之前不久就死了。在英国总领事乔治·马戛尔尼的安排下,他的遗体被移至喀什,并于1910年3月安葬在那里。立花及时赶到,参加了葬礼。不久之后,他前往于阗,然后发起了一次不幸的渗透西藏的尝试。Ōtani密切关注立花的一举一动,在Kyōto和新疆之间来回发送了一系列的指示和报告。然而,在他离开喀什噶尔后,与这位年轻探险家的联系被切断了,他的下落在接下来的几个月里一直无人知晓。与此同时,Ōtani从日本派遣了另一个名叫吉川小一(1885-1978)的年轻人,带着一个商队去帮助并最终解救了立花。与三次远征的大多数参与者不同,吉川不是佛教僧侣,而是一个家庭在西弘庵寺服务的俗人。1911年5月底,他离开Kyōto,从Kōbe乘轮船到上海,然后骑马到汉口、洛阳、西安、兰州、凉州、苏州和安西(图1)。 Ōtani的中国厨师李玉青以厨师和翻译的双重身份陪同
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引用次数: 4
Bisā- and Hālaa- in a New Chinese-Khotanese Bilingual Document 新中文-于阗语双语文件中的bisha - and Hālaa
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1484/J.JIAA.3.7
Qing Duan
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引用次数: 1
A New Identification of the Murals in Kizil Cave 118: The Story of King Māndhātar 克孜勒洞穴壁画的新鉴定:国王的故事Māndhātar
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1484/J.JIAAA.1.103273
Satomi Hiyama
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引用次数: 2
Bronze Appliqués of Erotes from the Temple of the Oxus. The Question of their Dating in the Light of Connections between Rome and Central Asia 来自奥克苏斯神庙的埃罗忒斯铜器。从罗马与中亚的联系看它们的年代问题
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1484/J.JIAAA.2.301925
B. Litvinsky
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引用次数: 1
Newly Discovered Chinese-Khotanese Bilingual Tallies 新发现的汉语-于阗语双语计数
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1484/J.JIAA.3.11
Xinjiang Rong, Xin Wen
Since 2005, the National Library of China has acquired in succession a group of 35 Chinese-Khotanese bilingual wooden tallies. These (Set I below) are all records of tax collection, dated in the 10th year of the Kaiyuan era of the Tang dynasty (618-907) = 722 CE. In 1998, Aziz Abdurashit of the Bureau of Cultural Relics of Khotan published the Chinese texts of four other bilingual tallies (Set II below),1 which were also noticed by Yutaka Yoshida.2 Aziz Abdurashit’s readings, however, contained many errors which we have endeavoured to correct using new photographs. These tallies are very similar to those in the National Library collection and date from 727, only five years later. We therefore thought it would be appropriate to publish them together. In addition to the Chinese and Khotanese inscriptions, the tallies all contain notches indicating the amount of grain delivered. Deep notches indicate the number of shuo or kūsas (a measure) while shallower ones indicate the number of dou (originally in the vernacular form ) or s am ga/kha. Every deep notch has a small ink dot, and every tenth is painted black, no doubt to facilitate counting. The use of tallies with such notches was common practice in pre-modern Asia, and similar tallies have also been discovered in the Bactrian language.3 However no such tallies have been found in China proper, at Dunhuang, or at Turfan after the eighth century, when paper was most widely used as means of recording. The use of tallies in Khotan may therefore have followed a Central Asian tradition. The information on the tallies is contained in the Chinese and Khotanese texts and in the system of notches. The Chinese text is written (vertically) from the top of one side of the tally (recto) and then continued on the opposite side (verso). Where there were already deep notches, the Chinese scribe avoided them. The Khotanese text was written (horizontally) where the Chinese ended and in some cases, when there was no room on the recto or verso, on the narrow side of the tally (to the right or left of the Chinese recto). Tally no. 14 was cut square and has four flat sides, with the texts written on adjacent sides. The notches were presumably carved first, then the Chinese text was added, and finally the Khotanese. On each tally, a hole was drilled, perhaps for attaching it to the containers in which the grain was delivered. There are still short strings in the holes of tallies 24, 35, and 36-39. The grain was delivered by local Khotanese, and, in the tallies of Set II, the deliverer bore the title chi ban (with variant chu ban ),4 Khot. chau pam .5 From the tallies and other documents, it appears that one of the major responsibilities of a chi ban was to collect tax from local villagers, which he would then hand over to higher officials in the government of Khotan and in the Chinese army of Khotan Garrison.6 Local Chinese officials played key roles in the recording process. In both sets of tallies we have two kinds of o
2005年以来,中国国家图书馆先后购入35台汉、于阗双语木制计数机。这些(下面第一组)都是关于税收的记录,时间是唐朝开元十年(618-907)=公元722年。1998年,于阗文物局的Aziz Abdurashit发表了另外四个双语计数的中文文本(下文第二组),1吉田裕aka也注意到了。2 Aziz Abdurashit的读数中有许多错误,我们已经用新的照片努力加以纠正。这些数据与国家图书馆收藏的数据非常相似,可以追溯到727年,仅仅晚了五年。因此,我们认为将它们一起发表是合适的。除了中文和于阗文的铭文外,这些计数表上都有指示运送粮食数量的缺口。深的刻痕表示“说”或“kūsas”(一种度量)的数量,而浅的刻痕表示“斗”(最初是白话形式)或“s am ga/kha”的数量。每一个深的缺口都有一个小墨点,每十分之一被涂成黑色,无疑是为了方便计数。在前现代的亚洲,使用带有这种缺口的计数法是很普遍的做法,在大夏语中也发现了类似的计数法然而,在8世纪之后,纸作为记录手段被广泛使用的中国,敦煌和吐鲁番都没有发现这样的记录。因此,于阗人对计数的使用可能遵循了中亚的传统。关于计数的信息包含在中文和于阗文的文本中,并在刻槽系统中。中文文字从计数的一边(正)的顶部(垂直)书写,然后在另一边(正)继续书写。在已经有深凹痕的地方,中国抄写员会避开它们。于阗文字是在中文结束的地方(水平)书写的,在某些情况下,当正方或反面没有空间时,就写在计数的狭窄一侧(在中文正方的右侧或左侧)。理货没有。14号被切割成正方形,有四个平边,在相邻的边上写着文字。这些刻痕可能是先雕刻的,然后加上中文文字,最后加上于阗文。每次清点时,都要钻一个洞,也许是为了把它连接到运送粮食的容器上。在24、35和36-39号记分牌的洞里仍然有短串。粮食由当地的于阗人运送,在Set II的记录中,运送者的头衔是chi ban(与chu ban的变体),4 Khot。从统计和其他文件来看,志班的主要职责之一似乎是向当地村民收税,然后将其交给于阗政府和于阗驻军的高级官员。当地的中国官员在记录过程中发挥了关键作用。在这两组统计中,我们都有两种属于唐朝于阗驻军管理系统的官员。“官”(此处意为“官员”)是“潘管”(行政助理)的缩写,在于阗语中被证实为“phani-kvani”在唐朝的官僚体系中,潘官的地位高于典官。在这里:“书记员”),尽管在中国文本中,在计数上,班管是在dian之后提到的。这是因为大部分的中文文本都是由一个人写的,大概是书记员,而行政助理是后来才签字授权的。在第一组中,显然有两名行政助理在不同的时间签了名。他们的笔迹很潦草,所以我们读他们的名字,特别是“张兵”中的“兵”和“湘徽”和“湘道会”中的“香”是初步的。于阗文本是由一个匿名抄写员或其他官员在中文之后写的,在某些情况下,他们不知道中文的内容,这表明中文和于阗文本之间存在差异。这些记录的一个重要方面是它们的相对古老,因为它们是于阗地区发现的最古老的中国文件之一另一个是中国官员在早期参与于阗的地方税收征收,这表明中国的影响力比之前认为的要大。
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引用次数: 3
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Journal of Inner Asian Art and Archaeology
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