Abstract:The fact that innumerable National Socialists in elite positions were able to continue their careers after 1945 has been a source of widespread criticism for many decades. We nevertheless still lack a thorough understanding how this professional reintegration functioned, and the question of where the limits to this reintegration of former National Socialists were set remains underexamined. Exploring this question could help shed light on a central problem of German postwar history. How could democracy take root in a society strongly shaped by National Socialism? This issue is at the very heart of Thomas Schlemmer's contribution, which aims to show that the democratic state's readiness to integrate former Nazis reached its limit when members of the Nazi elite became politically ambitious and sought elective public office. When they crossed that line, the mechanism that had made their social and professional rehabilitation possible frequently lost its protective character. The case study of Dr. Max Frauendorfer and his political ambitions can serve as an example. Frauendorfer had had a questionable career in the Third Reich as the head of the Labor Division in the so-called Generalgouvernement and as Obersturmbannführer of the SS. Yet between 1957 and 1963 he repeatedly sought a seat in parliament as a representative of the Bavarian Christian Social Union (CSU, Christlich-Soziale Union). This case study shows how the confrontation with the Nazi past changed in Germany between the 1950s and 1960s and illustrates the motives among leading circles of the conservative CSU in either supporting or fundamentally rejecting support for colleagues with questionable political backgrounds.
{"title":"From the General Government to the Bundestag? The Christian-Social Union in Bavaria and the Case of Max Frauendorfer","authors":"Thomas Schlemmer, Dona Geyer","doi":"10.1353/gych.2021.0000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gych.2021.0000","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The fact that innumerable National Socialists in elite positions were able to continue their careers after 1945 has been a source of widespread criticism for many decades. We nevertheless still lack a thorough understanding how this professional reintegration functioned, and the question of where the limits to this reintegration of former National Socialists were set remains underexamined. Exploring this question could help shed light on a central problem of German postwar history. How could democracy take root in a society strongly shaped by National Socialism? This issue is at the very heart of Thomas Schlemmer's contribution, which aims to show that the democratic state's readiness to integrate former Nazis reached its limit when members of the Nazi elite became politically ambitious and sought elective public office. When they crossed that line, the mechanism that had made their social and professional rehabilitation possible frequently lost its protective character. The case study of Dr. Max Frauendorfer and his political ambitions can serve as an example. Frauendorfer had had a questionable career in the Third Reich as the head of the Labor Division in the so-called Generalgouvernement and as Obersturmbannführer of the SS. Yet between 1957 and 1963 he repeatedly sought a seat in parliament as a representative of the Bavarian Christian Social Union (CSU, Christlich-Soziale Union). This case study shows how the confrontation with the Nazi past changed in Germany between the 1950s and 1960s and illustrates the motives among leading circles of the conservative CSU in either supporting or fundamentally rejecting support for colleagues with questionable political backgrounds.","PeriodicalId":237244,"journal":{"name":"German Yearbook of Contemporary History","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127666626","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:In late 1957, a book titled Das verlorene Gewissen ("The Lost Conscience"), written by the conservative, right-wing publicist Kurt Ziesel (1911–2001), caused a sensation in West Germany. Ziesel's work attacked the careers of many German intellectuals who, having been active in the Third Reich, embraced democracy and publicly supported liberal views after 1945, all the while concealing their highly problematic Nazi-era positions and publications. The article analyzes Ziesel's methods of exposing the pasts of these prominent writers, and examines their reactions to Ziesel's accusations. As author Axel Schildt shows, despite the support from prominent voices such as Heinrich Böll, Theodor Heuss and others, those targeted by Ziesel did not succeed in fighting the accusations effectively. Ziesel was nevertheless unable to turn his efforts into longterm political gains. While he received much applause from staunchly conservative circles, his campaign began to falter in the mid-1960s. However, his methods became part of the arsenal of political conflict in the Federal Republic.
{"title":"In the Crosshairs: Kurt Ziesel's Adenauer-Era Campaign to Expose the Nazi Pasts of West German Intellectuals","authors":"Axel Schildt, Sinéad Crowe","doi":"10.1353/gych.2021.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gych.2021.0007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In late 1957, a book titled Das verlorene Gewissen (\"The Lost Conscience\"), written by the conservative, right-wing publicist Kurt Ziesel (1911–2001), caused a sensation in West Germany. Ziesel's work attacked the careers of many German intellectuals who, having been active in the Third Reich, embraced democracy and publicly supported liberal views after 1945, all the while concealing their highly problematic Nazi-era positions and publications. The article analyzes Ziesel's methods of exposing the pasts of these prominent writers, and examines their reactions to Ziesel's accusations. As author Axel Schildt shows, despite the support from prominent voices such as Heinrich Böll, Theodor Heuss and others, those targeted by Ziesel did not succeed in fighting the accusations effectively. Ziesel was nevertheless unable to turn his efforts into longterm political gains. While he received much applause from staunchly conservative circles, his campaign began to falter in the mid-1960s. However, his methods became part of the arsenal of political conflict in the Federal Republic.","PeriodicalId":237244,"journal":{"name":"German Yearbook of Contemporary History","volume":"128 3","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120908370","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Gerald Steinacher assesses the afterlife of Nazism in Austria and West Germany from the immediate postwar years to the most current developments. While there were some similarities between these two nations, in contrast to West Germany, former National Socialists in Austria could form their own enduring political party, the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ, Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs), soon after 1945. The myth of Austria as a victim of National Socialism, and Austria's neutrality during the Cold War years, helped the country avoid both scrutiny from the outside as well as inner reflection about guilt and responsibility until the 1980s. Since that time, the FPÖ's inclusion in coalition governments has led to criticism. For instance, in 2000, when the conservative Austrian People's Party (ÖVP, Österreichische Volkspartei) and the FPÖ formed a coalition government, the European Union put Austria under a symbolic "diplomatic quarantine." An unusual outlier in Europe at that time, the Austrian experience has become the norm twenty years later. In 2018 the governments of eight EU countries were run by far-right political parties. While Austria was among them, Germany was not.
摘要:杰拉德·施泰纳彻从战后初期到当前的发展，对奥地利和西德的纳粹主义进行了评估。虽然这两个国家之间有一些相似之处，但与西德相比，奥地利的前国家社会主义者在1945年后不久就可以组建自己的持久政党，奥地利自由党(FPÖ， Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs)。奥地利作为国家社会主义受害者的神话，以及奥地利在冷战时期的中立，帮助该国在20世纪80年代之前避免了来自外部的审查，以及对内疚和责任的内部反思。从那时起，FPÖ加入联合政府就招致了批评。例如，2000年，当保守的奥地利人民党(ÖVP， Österreichische Volkspartei)和FPÖ组成联合政府时，欧盟对奥地利进行了象征性的“外交隔离”。在当时的欧洲，奥地利是一个不寻常的异类，但20年后，奥地利的经历已成为常态。2018年，八个欧盟国家的政府由极右翼政党执政。奥地利在其中，而德国不在其中。
{"title":"The Limits of Integration: Nazi Officials and Their New Political Careers after 1945 in West Germany and Austria","authors":"Gerald J. Steinacher","doi":"10.1353/gych.2021.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gych.2021.0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Gerald Steinacher assesses the afterlife of Nazism in Austria and West Germany from the immediate postwar years to the most current developments. While there were some similarities between these two nations, in contrast to West Germany, former National Socialists in Austria could form their own enduring political party, the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ, Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs), soon after 1945. The myth of Austria as a victim of National Socialism, and Austria's neutrality during the Cold War years, helped the country avoid both scrutiny from the outside as well as inner reflection about guilt and responsibility until the 1980s. Since that time, the FPÖ's inclusion in coalition governments has led to criticism. For instance, in 2000, when the conservative Austrian People's Party (ÖVP, Österreichische Volkspartei) and the FPÖ formed a coalition government, the European Union put Austria under a symbolic \"diplomatic quarantine.\" An unusual outlier in Europe at that time, the Austrian experience has become the norm twenty years later. In 2018 the governments of eight EU countries were run by far-right political parties. While Austria was among them, Germany was not.","PeriodicalId":237244,"journal":{"name":"German Yearbook of Contemporary History","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128226126","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This contribution analyzes the structural and biographical conditions that made the career of the Austrian medievalist Otto Brunner (1898–1982) possible. Brunner proved to be a fervent adherent of the Nazi regime until the bitter end. His support for the regime manifested itself in several ways: his function as head of the Volksdeutsche Forschungsgemeinschaften (Ethnic German Research Associations) between 1940 and 1944; his efforts to gain Nazi Party membership (ultimately successful in 1943); his close collaboration with Amt Rosenberg even as late as January 1945; his professional successes, including his reception of the prestigious Verdun Prize in 1943; and his publications, most importantly his manuscript "Der Schicksalsweg des deutschen Volkes" ("The German People's Road to Destiny") of 1944. Long considered lost, the manuscript did in fact survive, albeit only in the form of proofs. Brunner succeeded in jump-starting his professional career in the young Federal Republic in the 1950s through the help of long-standing personal networks. He continued his study, with only minor modifications, of the most important topics that had kept him busy during the Third Reich. Völkisch-nationalist ideas still pervaded his depiction of German history and medieval society. Structural peculiarities of the academic discipline of history, including a West German historical conservatism, led to a situation in which Brunner's interpretation of the Middle Ages came to be challenged only in the 1980s.
{"title":"\"I Got Through Those Times Well\": Otto Brunner and National Socialism","authors":"Hans−Henning Kortüm, Dona Geyer","doi":"10.1353/gych.2021.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gych.2021.0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This contribution analyzes the structural and biographical conditions that made the career of the Austrian medievalist Otto Brunner (1898–1982) possible. Brunner proved to be a fervent adherent of the Nazi regime until the bitter end. His support for the regime manifested itself in several ways: his function as head of the Volksdeutsche Forschungsgemeinschaften (Ethnic German Research Associations) between 1940 and 1944; his efforts to gain Nazi Party membership (ultimately successful in 1943); his close collaboration with Amt Rosenberg even as late as January 1945; his professional successes, including his reception of the prestigious Verdun Prize in 1943; and his publications, most importantly his manuscript \"Der Schicksalsweg des deutschen Volkes\" (\"The German People's Road to Destiny\") of 1944. Long considered lost, the manuscript did in fact survive, albeit only in the form of proofs. Brunner succeeded in jump-starting his professional career in the young Federal Republic in the 1950s through the help of long-standing personal networks. He continued his study, with only minor modifications, of the most important topics that had kept him busy during the Third Reich. Völkisch-nationalist ideas still pervaded his depiction of German history and medieval society. Structural peculiarities of the academic discipline of history, including a West German historical conservatism, led to a situation in which Brunner's interpretation of the Middle Ages came to be challenged only in the 1980s.","PeriodicalId":237244,"journal":{"name":"German Yearbook of Contemporary History","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126482598","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The contribution by Andreas Wirsching deals with the recent significant expansion of historical research into the continuities of personnel and mentalities between the Nazi regime and the early Federal Republic of Germany. Concentrating on the ministerial bureaucracy, and specifically on the Federal Ministry of the Interior, Wirsching notes a pattern of considerable continuities, the careful evaluation of which has been made possible by the availability of new archival sources. Summarizing the current state of research, the article focuses on how the burdens of the Nazi past were addressed in the German bureaucracy and how they related to the longerterm continuities of anti-pluralism, socio-moral conservatism, and authoritarian étatism. At the same time, Wirsching emphasizes the manifold learning processes that took hold during the postwar period, which allowed former officials of the Nazi regime to adapt to the conditions of the new democracy or even to help shape it.
{"title":"Nazi Legacies? New Research on the Question of Continuities in Postwar Germany","authors":"A. Wirsching","doi":"10.1353/gych.2021.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gych.2021.0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The contribution by Andreas Wirsching deals with the recent significant expansion of historical research into the continuities of personnel and mentalities between the Nazi regime and the early Federal Republic of Germany. Concentrating on the ministerial bureaucracy, and specifically on the Federal Ministry of the Interior, Wirsching notes a pattern of considerable continuities, the careful evaluation of which has been made possible by the availability of new archival sources. Summarizing the current state of research, the article focuses on how the burdens of the Nazi past were addressed in the German bureaucracy and how they related to the longerterm continuities of anti-pluralism, socio-moral conservatism, and authoritarian étatism. At the same time, Wirsching emphasizes the manifold learning processes that took hold during the postwar period, which allowed former officials of the Nazi regime to adapt to the conditions of the new democracy or even to help shape it.","PeriodicalId":237244,"journal":{"name":"German Yearbook of Contemporary History","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130768356","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article sets the controversies around Kurt Ziesel's revelations about individuals in a wider perspective. Applause for a liberal public sphere which allowed such controversies to be aired should not obscure the deeper, continuing currents that prevented West Germany from living up to its image of 'overcoming the past'. The FRG gained a reputation for facing up to Nazi crimes, but at a deeper level the continuities in personnel and practice made for a very different story. The Ziesel case therefore also raises wider questions about the ways in which societies—and not only Germany after 1945—deal with the aftermath of political conflict and engage in structural as well as personal transformations.
{"title":"Unmasking Former Nazis in Adenauer's Germany: Individual Careers and Historical Significance","authors":"M. Fulbrook","doi":"10.1353/gych.2021.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gych.2021.0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article sets the controversies around Kurt Ziesel's revelations about individuals in a wider perspective. Applause for a liberal public sphere which allowed such controversies to be aired should not obscure the deeper, continuing currents that prevented West Germany from living up to its image of 'overcoming the past'. The FRG gained a reputation for facing up to Nazi crimes, but at a deeper level the continuities in personnel and practice made for a very different story. The Ziesel case therefore also raises wider questions about the ways in which societies—and not only Germany after 1945—deal with the aftermath of political conflict and engage in structural as well as personal transformations.","PeriodicalId":237244,"journal":{"name":"German Yearbook of Contemporary History","volume":"150 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132726259","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Introduction: Three Shades of Brown: The Nazi Past and Postwar Careers in Germany and Austria","authors":"Thomas Schlemmer, S. Schrafstetter","doi":"10.1353/gych.2021.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gych.2021.0005","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":237244,"journal":{"name":"German Yearbook of Contemporary History","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124131149","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:After 1949, many former Austrian National Socialists reorganized in the Federation of Independents (VdU, Verband der Unabhängigen) and its successor party, the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ, Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs). As the first party leader of the FPÖ beginning in 1955/56, Anton Reinthaller (1895–1958) played a central role in the postwar political mobilization of former National Socialists, known in Austria as the Ehemaligen (formers). On the basis of the hitherto unused personal papers of Anton Reinthaller, Margit Reiter's contribution sketches the political career of the founder of the FPÖ from his time as a member of the illegal National Socialist Party during the era of Austrofascism, through his appointment as a Nazi minister in 1938 and to various other positions during the Nazi period, to his postwar denazification and reentry into politics. The correspondence, personal notes, and court documents contained in his papers not only provide a good overview of the networks and the discourse among former Nazis after 1945, but also allow for an investigation into Reinthaller's attitude towards National Socialism and his retrospective self-presentation in front of the denazification court. The early history of the FPÖ is analyzed by interweaving party history with a biographical approach. In its tension between biographical and ideological continuities, on the one hand, and a willingness and ability to adapt to changed political circumstances, on the other, the example of Anton Reinthaller reveals a typical "Austrian" perpetrator biography of a sort that has been neglected in historical research.
摘要:1949年后，许多前奥地利国家社会主义者重组为独立联盟(VdU, Verband der Unabhängigen)及其后继政党奥地利自由党(FPÖ， Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs)。作为1955/56年开始的FPÖ的第一任党首，安东·莱因塞勒(1895-1958)在战后的政治动员中发挥了核心作用，前国家社会主义者在奥地利被称为Ehemaligen(前)。在迄今未使用的安东·赖因塞勒个人文件的基础上，玛格丽特·雷特(Margit Reiter)的贡献概述了这位FPÖ创始人的政治生涯，从他在奥地利法西斯主义时代作为非法国家社会主义党的成员，到1938年被任命为纳粹部长和纳粹时期的各种其他职位，再到战后去纳粹化和重新进入政坛。他的论文中包含的信件、个人笔记和法庭文件不仅提供了1945年后前纳粹分子之间网络和话语的良好概述，而且还允许调查莱茵塞勒对国家社会主义的态度以及他在去纳粹化法庭前的回顾性自我展示。通过将党史与传记相结合的方法来分析FPÖ的早期历史。一方面，传记和意识形态的连续性与适应变化的政治环境的意愿和能力之间存在紧张关系，另一方面，安东·莱茵塞勒的例子揭示了一种典型的“奥地利”肇事者传记，这种传记在历史研究中被忽视了。
{"title":"National Socialism in Austria before and after 1945: Nazi Minister Anton Reinthaller and the Origins of the Austrian Freedom Party","authors":"Margit Reiter, S. Crowe","doi":"10.1353/gych.2021.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gych.2021.0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:After 1949, many former Austrian National Socialists reorganized in the Federation of Independents (VdU, Verband der Unabhängigen) and its successor party, the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ, Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs). As the first party leader of the FPÖ beginning in 1955/56, Anton Reinthaller (1895–1958) played a central role in the postwar political mobilization of former National Socialists, known in Austria as the Ehemaligen (formers). On the basis of the hitherto unused personal papers of Anton Reinthaller, Margit Reiter's contribution sketches the political career of the founder of the FPÖ from his time as a member of the illegal National Socialist Party during the era of Austrofascism, through his appointment as a Nazi minister in 1938 and to various other positions during the Nazi period, to his postwar denazification and reentry into politics. The correspondence, personal notes, and court documents contained in his papers not only provide a good overview of the networks and the discourse among former Nazis after 1945, but also allow for an investigation into Reinthaller's attitude towards National Socialism and his retrospective self-presentation in front of the denazification court. The early history of the FPÖ is analyzed by interweaving party history with a biographical approach. In its tension between biographical and ideological continuities, on the one hand, and a willingness and ability to adapt to changed political circumstances, on the other, the example of Anton Reinthaller reveals a typical \"Austrian\" perpetrator biography of a sort that has been neglected in historical research.","PeriodicalId":237244,"journal":{"name":"German Yearbook of Contemporary History","volume":"106 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122037438","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-05DOI: 10.1515/9783110600575-002
L. Herbst, P. Bowman, David Dichelle
{"title":"Contemporary Theory and the Beginning of European Integration","authors":"L. Herbst, P. Bowman, David Dichelle","doi":"10.1515/9783110600575-002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110600575-002","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":237244,"journal":{"name":"German Yearbook of Contemporary History","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128175391","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-05DOI: 10.1515/9783110600575-001
Mark Gilbert, Eva Oberloskamp, Thomas Raithel
{"title":"Introduction: Germany and European Integration","authors":"Mark Gilbert, Eva Oberloskamp, Thomas Raithel","doi":"10.1515/9783110600575-001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110600575-001","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":237244,"journal":{"name":"German Yearbook of Contemporary History","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134604939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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