y the first century, Mathura’s sculptural workshops were supplying their clients with large numbers of stone figures and plaques portraying goddesses on their own or together in groups. From mothers to combative or assertive deities and fully anthropomorphic to hybrid figures, the sheer variety of early goddess imagery points to the pluralism of goddess cults in the region and a somewhat fluid iconography1). Distributed throughout the region, the find-spots of these sculptures indicate a broad support base for these cults2). Patrons and sculptors at Mathura rarely specified the sectarian affiliations of these early goddesses3) While scholars can refer to sectarian literature and inscriptions for help in assigning goddesses to Brahmanical or Jain religious groups, few goddesses belonging to this formative iconographic phase (Kuṣāṇa to Gupta) are either named by inscription4) or unequivocally identified with unique attributes. Thus, many of Mathura’s goddesses defy clear-cut explanations and neat categorisation, often leaving modern viewers in a conundrum.
{"title":"An Enigmatic Female Ascetic Figure from Mathura","authors":"C. Basu","doi":"10.15804/aoto201605","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/aoto201605","url":null,"abstract":"y the first century, Mathura’s sculptural workshops were supplying their clients with large numbers of stone figures and plaques portraying goddesses on their own or together in groups. From mothers to combative or assertive deities and fully anthropomorphic to hybrid figures, the sheer variety of early goddess imagery points to the pluralism of goddess cults in the region and a somewhat fluid iconography1). Distributed throughout the region, the find-spots of these sculptures indicate a broad support base for these cults2). Patrons and sculptors at Mathura rarely specified the sectarian affiliations of these early goddesses3) While scholars can refer to sectarian literature and inscriptions for help in assigning goddesses to Brahmanical or Jain religious groups, few goddesses belonging to this formative iconographic phase (Kuṣāṇa to Gupta) are either named by inscription4) or unequivocally identified with unique attributes. Thus, many of Mathura’s goddesses defy clear-cut explanations and neat categorisation, often leaving modern viewers in a conundrum.","PeriodicalId":240161,"journal":{"name":"Art of the Orient","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123353695","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
he Renukoot (Reṇukūṭ) Birla mandir, dedicated to Śiva in the aspect of Reṇukeśvara Mahādeva, was founded in 1972 by the Birla (Biṛlā) family. It is located in one of the Birlas’ industrial towns — Renukoot, in the south-eastern part of Uttar Pradeś where HINDALCO Industries Limited (the aluminium factory) has operated since 1962. The region started attracting investors and industrialist after a dam was constructed on the river Rihand1). It was inaugurated in 1960 by the then prime minister of India – Jawaharlal Nehru. He tried to encourage every guest and businessman who came there, among them Ghanshyamdas Birla, to invest in the region. Indeed, the Birlas decided to locate one of their main enterprises here — the Hindalco (Hindustan Aluminium Corporation) factory. It may be assumed that the temple was planned to serve as the main shrine for the Hindu community living and working in this area. At the same time, it is one of the attractions for visitors to the region. It must, however, be mentioned that if at all we consider it as a kind of ‘tourist’ place, it is only so for local (Indian) visitors2), since it is located beyond the main tourist routes and is rather difficult to reach. The
Renukoot (Reṇukūṭ) Birla mandir，致力于Reṇukeśvara Mahādeva方面的Śiva，由Birla (Biṛlā)家族于1972年创立。它位于Birlas的工业城镇之一- Renukoot，位于北方邦东南部，HINDALCO工业有限公司(铝厂)自1962年以来一直在这里运营。在黎汉河上修建了一座大坝后，该地区开始吸引投资者和实业家。它于1960年由当时的印度总理贾瓦哈拉尔·尼赫鲁揭幕。他试图鼓励每一位来到这里的客人和商人在该地区投资，其中就包括Ghanshyamdas Birla。事实上，伯拉斯夫妇决定将他们的主要企业之一——印度斯坦铝业公司(Hindalco)的工厂设在这里。人们可能会认为，这座寺庙是计划作为在该地区生活和工作的印度社区的主要圣地。同时，它也是吸引游客的地方之一。然而，必须提到的是，如果我们把它看作是一种“旅游”地，那也只是对当地(印度)游客而言，因为它位于主要旅游路线之外，相当难以到达。的
{"title":"Inspirations of Traditional Hindu Temple Architecture in the Birla Mandir in Renukoot","authors":"Agnieszka Staszczyk","doi":"10.15804/aoto201615","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/aoto201615","url":null,"abstract":"he Renukoot (Reṇukūṭ) Birla mandir, dedicated to Śiva in the aspect of Reṇukeśvara Mahādeva, was founded in 1972 by the Birla (Biṛlā) family. It is located in one of the Birlas’ industrial towns — Renukoot, in the south-eastern part of Uttar Pradeś where HINDALCO Industries Limited (the aluminium factory) has operated since 1962. The region started attracting investors and industrialist after a dam was constructed on the river Rihand1). It was inaugurated in 1960 by the then prime minister of India – Jawaharlal Nehru. He tried to encourage every guest and businessman who came there, among them Ghanshyamdas Birla, to invest in the region. Indeed, the Birlas decided to locate one of their main enterprises here — the Hindalco (Hindustan Aluminium Corporation) factory. It may be assumed that the temple was planned to serve as the main shrine for the Hindu community living and working in this area. At the same time, it is one of the attractions for visitors to the region. It must, however, be mentioned that if at all we consider it as a kind of ‘tourist’ place, it is only so for local (Indian) visitors2), since it is located beyond the main tourist routes and is rather difficult to reach. The","PeriodicalId":240161,"journal":{"name":"Art of the Orient","volume":"100 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134095000","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
he region of the South of India and especially Tamil Nadu, or rather, the region dominated by the Tamil culture, has always been very rich in religious developments but in the last centuries of the first millennium AD it was especially prolific, being also an area where the Brahmanical and local cults intermingled. Brahmanical cults, often identified as orthodox and belonging to the external and sometimes invading Aryan culture, mixed with the rich local religious life connected with many local deities. The issue of Brahmanical culture and the Brahmins of Tamil Nadu, as a subject of research in itself[, does not fit within the scope of our presentation, but it should be noticed that this social group was not so consistent as one could expect and the direction
{"title":"Cōḻa Bronzes in the Context of the History and Culture of Tamil Nadu","authors":"M. Czerniak-Drożdżowicz, A. Slaczka","doi":"10.15804/aoto201608","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/aoto201608","url":null,"abstract":"he region of the South of India and especially Tamil Nadu, or rather, the region dominated by the Tamil culture, has always been very rich in religious developments but in the last centuries of the first millennium AD it was especially prolific, being also an area where the Brahmanical and local cults intermingled. Brahmanical cults, often identified as orthodox and belonging to the external and sometimes invading Aryan culture, mixed with the rich local religious life connected with many local deities. The issue of Brahmanical culture and the Brahmins of Tamil Nadu, as a subject of research in itself[, does not fit within the scope of our presentation, but it should be noticed that this social group was not so consistent as one could expect and the direction","PeriodicalId":240161,"journal":{"name":"Art of the Orient","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117048932","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ontemporary architecture as a result of globalisation often moves away from relationships with the culture and tradition of a particular area or country. Simply put, ‘globalisation is the process of weakening the borders (also) the cultural ones dividing nations’. At the same time, globalisation has an impact on architecture such as: the extra-national, continental spread of patterns and parallel localism. This means that, on the one hand, non-culturally sensitive buildings are being constructed without local elements, while on the other hand, the existing traditional architectural solutions are excessively repeated without reference to the modern world. Thus, there is a need to link these two extreme tendencies in favour of a more moderate one promoting the development of contemporary architecture that fits the location by responding to its cultural and historical context, climate, responsive local building techniques and the character of the community. Cultural sensitivity appears to be important especially in countries highly populated, industrialised, undergoing political, economical and social transformations despite their rich cultural heritage. These countries are likely to lose their cultural sensitivity particularly in the context of the fast changes and globalisation that do not respect local patterns and an urbanising world. The largest population growth is projected by United Nations as follows: ‘much of this urbanisation will unfold in Africa and Asia, bringing huge
{"title":"Culturally Sensitive Contemporary Buildings in India","authors":"Anna Rynkowska-Sachse","doi":"10.15804/aoto201616","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/aoto201616","url":null,"abstract":"ontemporary architecture as a result of globalisation often moves away from relationships with the culture and tradition of a particular area or country. Simply put, ‘globalisation is the process of weakening the borders (also) the cultural ones dividing nations’. At the same time, globalisation has an impact on architecture such as: the extra-national, continental spread of patterns and parallel localism. This means that, on the one hand, non-culturally sensitive buildings are being constructed without local elements, while on the other hand, the existing traditional architectural solutions are excessively repeated without reference to the modern world. Thus, there is a need to link these two extreme tendencies in favour of a more moderate one promoting the development of contemporary architecture that fits the location by responding to its cultural and historical context, climate, responsive local building techniques and the character of the community. Cultural sensitivity appears to be important especially in countries highly populated, industrialised, undergoing political, economical and social transformations despite their rich cultural heritage. These countries are likely to lose their cultural sensitivity particularly in the context of the fast changes and globalisation that do not respect local patterns and an urbanising world. The largest population growth is projected by United Nations as follows: ‘much of this urbanisation will unfold in Africa and Asia, bringing huge","PeriodicalId":240161,"journal":{"name":"Art of the Orient","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117151472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Discovering Buddhism in Southern Punjab: A Study of Vanishing Buddhist Heritage at Sui Vihāra","authors":"Muhammad Hameed","doi":"10.15804/aoto201606","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/aoto201606","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":240161,"journal":{"name":"Art of the Orient","volume":"69 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123590837","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ver since Western scholars first came into contact with the art of South Asia, the focus of their attention quickly turned to the Northern schools, in particular Gandhara, although the Southern art school known as Amaravati in Andhra Pradesh produced as many high-quality pieces during the same time period. At first sight, this obvious imbalance seems unfounded and unjust – perhaps even aggravating. However, if we take into account the cultural and educational background of those scholars who first took an interest in the art of South Asia during the nineteenth and early twentieth century, the unconscious reasoning behind their strong favour for Gandhara becomes more obvious. All of them had received higher education and university education in Europe and North America was still centred around the classics. Across the board, they were fluent in Latin, proficient in Ancient Greek and knew some Hebrew. Their perception of beauty and quality was moulded by their classical training, which elevated Greek art as the ultimate ideal to aspire to. Even Roman art was still considered inferior. At the universities of the time, the most prestigious chairs were in Latin and Greek and those “only” appointed to a chair in Sanskrit, Persian, Arabic or Chinese were already considered something of a disappointment. Bearing this intellectual environment in mind, the immediate attraction of Gandharan art to the European recipient is unsurprising. The geographical area which is today called “Greater Gandhara”1) had already been part of the
{"title":"The Travels of Two Marine Beasts from the Mediterranean to Gandhara – A Transfer of Form and Meaning?","authors":"K. Southworth","doi":"10.15804/aoto201607","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/aoto201607","url":null,"abstract":"ver since Western scholars first came into contact with the art of South Asia, the focus of their attention quickly turned to the Northern schools, in particular Gandhara, although the Southern art school known as Amaravati in Andhra Pradesh produced as many high-quality pieces during the same time period. At first sight, this obvious imbalance seems unfounded and unjust – perhaps even aggravating. However, if we take into account the cultural and educational background of those scholars who first took an interest in the art of South Asia during the nineteenth and early twentieth century, the unconscious reasoning behind their strong favour for Gandhara becomes more obvious. All of them had received higher education and university education in Europe and North America was still centred around the classics. Across the board, they were fluent in Latin, proficient in Ancient Greek and knew some Hebrew. Their perception of beauty and quality was moulded by their classical training, which elevated Greek art as the ultimate ideal to aspire to. Even Roman art was still considered inferior. At the universities of the time, the most prestigious chairs were in Latin and Greek and those “only” appointed to a chair in Sanskrit, Persian, Arabic or Chinese were already considered something of a disappointment. Bearing this intellectual environment in mind, the immediate attraction of Gandharan art to the European recipient is unsurprising. The geographical area which is today called “Greater Gandhara”1) had already been part of the","PeriodicalId":240161,"journal":{"name":"Art of the Orient","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131901135","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Triple Temples in India, Nepal and Cambodia. A Contribution to the Question of Inclusivism","authors":"A. Gail","doi":"10.15804/aoto201602","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/aoto201602","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":240161,"journal":{"name":"Art of the Orient","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115369544","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Emotional Dimension of the ‘Nature of the World (Lokasya Svabhāva)’ and the Meaning of Saḥr̥daya. ‘Avadhakiśoragurucaraṇasmṛtiai Samarpyate’","authors":"M. Byrski","doi":"10.15804/aoto201601","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/aoto201601","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":240161,"journal":{"name":"Art of the Orient","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132766720","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
he British established their foothold in India after Sir Thomas Roe, the English diplomat, obtained permission to trade for the English East India Company from the Mughal emperor Jehangir (1605–1627). By end of the seventeenth century, the company had expanded its trading operations in the major coastal cities of India. The gradual weakening of the Mughal Empire in the eighteenth century gave the East India Company a further opportunity to expand its power and maintain its own private army. In 1765, the Mughal emperor Shah Alam II (1759–1806) was forced to give the Grant of the Dīwānī of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa to the East India Company. However, it was in 1803 that the company became a formidable power when Shah Alam II accepted the Company’s authority in exchange for protection and maintenance. The British Residency at Delhi was established. This event completely changed the age-old political and social dynamics in Mughal Delhi. The event symbolised the shifting balance of power in Mughal politics. The real power belonged to the Company and was exercised by its residents. A substantial amount of funding was at the disposal of the British residents of Delhi who were directed by the Company’s government to maintain a splendid court of their own to rival the court of the Mughal emperor. Thus, a parallel court was set up alongside that of the Mughal. It was the Kashmiri Gate of the Shahajahanabad (the Mughal imperial city) and the area beyond it on the northern side up to the ridge that became
英国外交官托马斯·罗伊爵士(Sir Thomas Roe)从莫卧儿皇帝贾汗吉尔(1605年—1627年)那里获得了英国东印度公司的贸易许可后，英国人在印度建立了立地点。到17世纪末，该公司已经在印度的主要沿海城市扩大了贸易业务。18世纪，莫卧儿帝国的逐渐衰弱给了东印度公司进一步扩大权力和维持自己的私人军队的机会。1765年，莫卧儿皇帝沙阿拉姆二世(1759年—1806年)被迫将孟加拉、比哈尔邦和奥里萨邦的Dīwānī授予东印度公司。然而，直到1803年，沙阿拉姆二世接受了该公司的权威，以换取保护和维护，该公司才成为一个强大的力量。英国在德里建立了居留权。这一事件彻底改变了莫卧儿王朝德里古老的政治和社会动态。这一事件象征着莫卧儿政治中权力平衡的转变。真正的权力属于公司，由其居民行使。大量资金由德里的英国居民支配，他们在公司政府的指示下，维持自己的辉煌宫廷，以与莫卧儿皇帝的宫廷相媲美。因此，在莫卧儿王朝的旁边建立了一个平行的朝廷。这是沙哈贾哈纳巴德(莫卧儿帝国的城市)的克什米尔门，以及它北边的地区，一直到山脊
{"title":"Art and Politics: British Patronage in Delhi (1803–1857)","authors":"S. Kumari","doi":"10.15804/aoto201613","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/aoto201613","url":null,"abstract":"he British established their foothold in India after Sir Thomas Roe, the English diplomat, obtained permission to trade for the English East India Company from the Mughal emperor Jehangir (1605–1627). By end of the seventeenth century, the company had expanded its trading operations in the major coastal cities of India. The gradual weakening of the Mughal Empire in the eighteenth century gave the East India Company a further opportunity to expand its power and maintain its own private army. In 1765, the Mughal emperor Shah Alam II (1759–1806) was forced to give the Grant of the Dīwānī of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa to the East India Company. However, it was in 1803 that the company became a formidable power when Shah Alam II accepted the Company’s authority in exchange for protection and maintenance. The British Residency at Delhi was established. This event completely changed the age-old political and social dynamics in Mughal Delhi. The event symbolised the shifting balance of power in Mughal politics. The real power belonged to the Company and was exercised by its residents. A substantial amount of funding was at the disposal of the British residents of Delhi who were directed by the Company’s government to maintain a splendid court of their own to rival the court of the Mughal emperor. Thus, a parallel court was set up alongside that of the Mughal. It was the Kashmiri Gate of the Shahajahanabad (the Mughal imperial city) and the area beyond it on the northern side up to the ridge that became","PeriodicalId":240161,"journal":{"name":"Art of the Orient","volume":"80 11","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"113933300","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
he term ‘contact zone’ was introduced by Mary Louise Pratt in her important book Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation in order to define the point where two cultures meet, the space in which geographically and historically distinct populations interact with each other and establish relationships. It further claims to evoke the space and time in which previously separate entities now coexist, and where their trajectories intersect. Pratt relates her thoughts to texts from the period of colonisation. In my opinion, the concept of the contact zone also offers great opportunities in the field of art history as well as gender relations and perception. As Pratt stated, the contact zone angle highlights how people subjected to it are shaped by their mutual relations; it also examines the relationship between the two civilisations not in terms of distinctiveness or separation but instead looks at co-presence and interaction, resulting in understanding and action. Following this path, one may wonder how the artist shaped his creations while in contact with a completely alien tradition, how he understands,
{"title":"Art and Gender in the Contact Zone – European Women and Indian Miniature Painting","authors":"Dorota Kamińska-Jones","doi":"10.15804/aoto201612","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/aoto201612","url":null,"abstract":"he term ‘contact zone’ was introduced by Mary Louise Pratt in her important book Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation in order to define the point where two cultures meet, the space in which geographically and historically distinct populations interact with each other and establish relationships. It further claims to evoke the space and time in which previously separate entities now coexist, and where their trajectories intersect. Pratt relates her thoughts to texts from the period of colonisation. In my opinion, the concept of the contact zone also offers great opportunities in the field of art history as well as gender relations and perception. As Pratt stated, the contact zone angle highlights how people subjected to it are shaped by their mutual relations; it also examines the relationship between the two civilisations not in terms of distinctiveness or separation but instead looks at co-presence and interaction, resulting in understanding and action. Following this path, one may wonder how the artist shaped his creations while in contact with a completely alien tradition, how he understands,","PeriodicalId":240161,"journal":{"name":"Art of the Orient","volume":"104 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132653844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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