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Modern talking: Sufi socio-political discourse 现代谈话:苏菲社会政治话语
Pub Date : 2018-02-23 DOI: 10.1080/20566093.2018.1439813
M. Milani, Vassilis Adrahtas
Abstract This article shares the findings of a socio-political discourse analysis of modern Sufism. The study is conducted from the multi-disciplinary perspective of studies in religion, and is based on the assessment of one-on-one qualitative interviews about the approach of three prominent world Sufi orders—the Chishti, Naqshbandi, and Nimatullahi—to society and politics. The case studies present a new interpretation of modern Sufi religious and political practice, which is then formulated into a working typology as a contribution towards the categorisation of Sufi socio-political disposition.
摘要本文分享了对现代苏菲主义的社会政治话语分析的发现。这项研究是从宗教研究的多学科角度进行的,并基于一对一的定性访谈的评估,这些访谈是关于世界上三个著名的苏菲派——奇什蒂、纳克什班迪和尼玛图拉——对社会和政治的态度。案例研究提出了对现代苏菲派宗教和政治实践的新解释,然后将其制定为一种工作类型学,作为对苏菲派社会政治倾向分类的贡献。
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引用次数: 5
Magic, religion, and the South: notes on Ernesto De Martino 魔法、宗教与南方:埃内斯托·德·马蒂诺笔记
Pub Date : 2018-02-23 DOI: 10.1080/20566093.2018.1439806
Rosario Forlenza
Abstract This article deals with the work of the Italian anthropologist, ethnographer, and historian of religions Ernesto De Martino (1908–1965) and, more specifically, with his ‘ethnographic expeditions’ in Southern Italy in the 1950s. Here, in some of the poorest regions of Italy, De Martino carefully examined the intermingling of popular religion, magic rituals, and official Catholicism. Beyond the specific context of post-World War II Southern Italy, De Martino’s work offers a sophisticated framework to study humanity’s relationship with the sacred, which can be helpful to historians, anthropologists, and sociologists examining religious practices, beliefs, and experiences across time, space and place. More specifically, De Martino’s framework can encourage scholars to better foreground the influence of historical contexts on cultural forms and psychic constellations, the stratification and intersection of popular and official forms of religion, and the cultural and symbolic role of magic and religion.
本文论述了意大利人类学家、民族志学家和宗教历史学家埃内斯托·德·马蒂诺(1908-1965)的工作,更具体地说,是他20世纪50年代在意大利南部进行的“民族志探险”。在这里,在意大利一些最贫穷的地区,德马蒂诺仔细研究了民间宗教、魔法仪式和官方天主教的混合。除了二战后意大利南部的具体背景,德马蒂诺的作品提供了一个复杂的框架来研究人类与神圣的关系,这可以帮助历史学家、人类学家和社会学家研究宗教习俗、信仰和跨越时间、空间和地点的经历。更具体地说,De Martino的框架可以鼓励学者更好地展望历史背景对文化形式和心理星座的影响,大众和官方宗教形式的分层和交叉,以及魔法和宗教的文化和象征作用。
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引用次数: 2
Sufi articulations of civility, globality, and sovereignty 苏菲对文明、全球性和主权的表述
Pub Date : 2018-02-20 DOI: 10.1080/20566093.2018.1439808
A. Salvatore
Abstract This article provides an analysis of Sufi life and organization, combining historical depth and theoretical awareness. It investigates how Sufism emerged as an urban phenomenon. Sufi brotherhoods were at the forefront of a proto-globalization based on a hemisphere-wide networking between metropolitan regions, rural provinces, and nomadic formations. Furthermore, cities became nodes within wider circulations, rather than, as in European and Weberian models, centers of corporate powers. The emerging patterns of civility were open-ended, balancing inner cultivation, communicative skills, and outward etiquette. The article shows how this global civility translated into original conceptions of sovereignty that were more malleable than those of the European Leviathan. A millenarian universalism imbued with Sufi saintliness bolstered the centralized sovereignty of early modern Muslim empires. Sufi contributions to these empires nurtured a cosmopolitan culture, facilitating commercial exchange and intellectual connectedness between Europe and China. When Europe rose to global hegemony, neo-Sufi movements engaged in state-building processes which challenged European colonial presence. The article concludes by exploring how post-Sufi developments within Muslim-majority postcolonial societies re-oriented state power and led to the emergence of a trans-territorial notion of sovereignty.
本文结合历史深度和理论意识,对苏菲派的生活和组织进行了分析。它调查了苏菲主义如何成为一种城市现象。苏菲派兄弟会处于原始全球化的最前沿,这种全球化建立在大都市地区、农村省份和游牧组织之间的半球范围内的网络基础上。此外,城市成为更广泛流通中的节点,而不是像欧洲和韦伯模式那样,成为企业权力的中心。新兴的文明模式是开放式的,平衡了内在修养、沟通技巧和外在礼仪。这篇文章展示了这种全球文明是如何转化为比欧洲利维坦更具可塑性的原始主权概念的。千年来弥漫着苏菲神圣性的普遍主义支撑着早期现代穆斯林帝国的中央集权。苏菲派对这些帝国的贡献培育了世界性的文化,促进了欧洲和中国之间的商业交流和知识联系。当欧洲崛起为全球霸权时,新苏菲运动参与了挑战欧洲殖民存在的国家建设进程。文章最后探讨了在穆斯林占多数的后殖民社会中,后苏菲派的发展如何重新定位国家权力,并导致了跨领土主权概念的出现。
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引用次数: 4
Rethinking the transformation of Buddhist meditation 重新思考佛教冥想的转变
Pub Date : 2018-02-20 DOI: 10.1080/20566093.2018.1439440
K. Lam
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引用次数: 0
Islam, gender, and democracy in comparative perspective 伊斯兰教、性别和民主的比较视角
Pub Date : 2018-02-19 DOI: 10.1080/20566093.2018.1439439
B. Turner
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引用次数: 11
Religious freedom in East Asia: historical norms and the limits of advocacy 东亚的宗教自由:历史规范与倡导的局限
Pub Date : 2018-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/20566093.2017.1390655
T. DuBois
Abstract The introduction of the Western idea of religion to East Asia during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries initiated a transformation so profound that it required the creation of an entire new vocabulary, including a new word for ‘religion’ itself. However, the fact that new regimes in China and Japan adopted Western terminology does not mean that they uncritically accepted its ideas and assumptions. East Asia was already home to millennia-old traditions of statecraft that subjected religious institutions to the sovereign, and made the moral indivisible from the political. Even as new regimes wrote the language of religious freedom into constitutions and legal codes, they continued to interpret the scope and limits of freedom very differently than they had been imagined by the Christian West or later by Soviet-inspired Marxists. An appreciation of the very different ways that East Asian societies have historically interpreted and adapted the ideas of religious rights and freedoms is vital for understanding why countries like China can speak with apparent sincerity about religious freedom, yet continue to vex the expectations of the international human rights community.
19世纪和20世纪,西方宗教观念传入东亚,引发了一场深刻的变革,以至于需要创造一个全新的词汇,包括“宗教”本身的新词。然而,中国和日本的新政权采用西方术语并不意味着他们不加批判地接受西方的思想和假设。东亚已经是千年治国传统的发源地,这种传统使宗教机构服从于君主,并使道德与政治不可分割。即使新政权将宗教自由的语言写入宪法和法典,他们对自由的范围和限制的解释仍然与基督教西方或后来受苏联启发的马克思主义者所想象的大不相同。认识到东亚社会在历史上对宗教权利和自由观念的不同解释和适应方式,对于理解为什么像中国这样的国家能够表面上真诚地谈论宗教自由,却继续让国际人权界感到不安,至关重要。
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引用次数: 4
Politics of religious freedom in the Asia-Pacific: an introduction 亚太地区的宗教自由政治:导论
Pub Date : 2018-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/20566093.2017.1393172
E. Hurd
Abstract This article introduces the main arguments of Beyond Religious Freedom and situates them in the context of this special issue on the politics of religious freedom in the Asia Pacific. It discusses the intensification of state-sponsored global religious interventionism that led me to write the book, and explains how the questions raised by the new global politics of religion came to seem urgent and important. It then presents the book’s central organizing framework of the ‘3 religions’ (expert, lived, and governed) as a set of heuristics for examining these co-productions of religion, law and politics. A final section weaves together insights from other contributors to this special issue with the claims of Chapter 4 of the book to explore the politics of religious freedom in the Asia-Pacific.
摘要本文介绍了《超越宗教自由》一书的主要论点,并将其置于亚太地区宗教自由政治特刊的背景下。它讨论了促使我写这本书的国家支持的全球宗教干预主义的加剧,并解释了新的全球宗教政治所提出的问题是如何变得紧迫和重要的。然后,它提出了本书的“三种宗教”(专家、生活和治理)的中心组织框架,作为一套启发式,用于检查这些宗教、法律和政治的共同产物。最后一部分将本特刊其他撰稿人的见解与本书第四章的主张结合起来,探讨亚太地区的宗教自由政治。
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引用次数: 6
National security, Islamophobia, and religious freedom in the U.S. 美国的国家安全、伊斯兰恐惧症和宗教自由
Pub Date : 2018-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/20566093.2017.1390657
Rosemary Hancock
Abstract A central argument in Elizabeth Shakman Hurd’s Beyond Religious Freedom is that the religious freedom policy framework pursued by the United States not only entrenches lines of division between religious faiths, but also is constructive of those very divisions. Where foreign and domestic policies purport to promote tolerance and respectful pluralism in the name of religious freedom, Hurd contends they instead create ‘new forms of social friction defined by religious difference.’ Utilizing Hurd’s categories of Official, Governed, and Lived religion I examine Islamophobia and the racialization of Muslims in the United States and demonstrate how over-identification with religious groups can exacerbate social tensions; how the ‘agenda of surveillance’ disproportionately targets Muslims in the United States; and argue that recourse to law and policy alone in response to anti-Muslim discrimination is unlikely to transform social attitudes towards Muslims. Finally, I utilize a contemporary reworking of Adam Smith’s sympathetic imagination and radical democratic theory to propose an alternative pathway towards dissolving the pejorative ascription of difference to religiously othered individuals.
伊丽莎白·沙克曼·赫德(Elizabeth Shakman Hurd)的《超越宗教自由》(Beyond Religious Freedom)一书的一个中心论点是,美国奉行的宗教自由政策框架不仅巩固了宗教信仰之间的分歧,而且对这些分歧本身也具有建设性。赫德认为,在外交和国内政策以宗教自由的名义提倡宽容和尊重多元主义的地方,它们反而创造了“由宗教差异定义的新形式的社会摩擦”。利用赫德的官方宗教、治理宗教和生活宗教的分类,我研究了美国的伊斯兰恐惧症和穆斯林的种族化,并展示了对宗教团体的过度认同如何加剧社会紧张局势;“监视议程”如何不成比例地针对美国的穆斯林;并认为仅依靠法律和政策来应对反穆斯林歧视不太可能改变社会对穆斯林的态度。最后,我利用亚当·斯密的同情想象和激进民主理论的当代改造,提出了另一种途径,以消除对宗教他人的差异的轻蔑归属。
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引用次数: 1
Economies of expert religion in Sri Lanka 斯里兰卡的专家宗教经济
Pub Date : 2018-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/20566093.2017.1396090
Benjamin Schonthal
Abstract In recent years, international campaigns to promote religious freedom have come under sustained scholarly scrutiny. At the core of much of this scrutiny are concerns about a pernicious misfit between legal categories and local realities. Recent scholarship suggests that international advocacy campaigns often rely on narrow and partisan understandings of religion and religious freedom and, in turn, marginalize or ignore local practices of worship, asceticism, textual engagement and moral self-fashioning. However, in Asia, as in most parts of the world, international religious freedom advocacy campaigns do not enter a blank space of lived religion. Rather, they participate in a broader ‘economy’ of organisations and advocacy campaigns designed to promote, protect or liberate particular forms of religion. The politics of religious freedom in Asia is not, then, simply an encounter between translocal categories and local religiosities. It also involves competing domestic campaigns to redeem and reform particular types of religiosity. To make this point, this article considers one important religious freedom campaign from Sri Lanka in 2004 and examines how that campaign participated in and responded to an existing economy of what Elizabeth Shakman Hurd calls ‘expert religion.’
近年来,促进宗教自由的国际运动受到了持续的学术审查。这种审查的核心是对法律类别与当地现实之间的有害不匹配的担忧。最近的学术研究表明,国际宣传运动往往依赖于对宗教和宗教自由狭隘和党派的理解,从而边缘化或忽视了当地的崇拜、禁欲主义、文本参与和道德自我塑造等做法。然而,在亚洲,如同在世界大多数地区一样,国际宗教自由倡导运动并没有进入一个活生生的宗教的空白地带。相反,他们参与更广泛的组织“经济”和倡导运动,旨在促进、保护或解放特定形式的宗教。因此,亚洲的宗教自由政治,并不仅仅是跨地区类别与当地宗教之间的相遇。它还涉及到国内相互竞争的运动,以挽回和改革特定类型的宗教信仰。为了说明这一点,本文考虑了2004年斯里兰卡的一场重要的宗教自由运动,并研究了该运动是如何参与并回应伊丽莎白·沙克曼·赫德(Elizabeth Shakman Hurd)所称的“专家宗教”的现有经济的。
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引用次数: 1
Sacred claims and the politics of indigeneity in Australia 澳大利亚的神圣主张与土著政治
Pub Date : 2018-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/20566093.2017.1393174
Miranda Johnson
Abstract The claims of Indigenous peoples to sacred sites have generated far-reaching debates about identity, authenticity, and history in Australia in recent decades. This is surprising in such an avowedly secular country, where there is no constitutional or statutory recognition of principles of religious freedom. This article charts the emergence of sacred claims and their imbrication with a broader politics of indigeneity in the 1970s. These claims shaped and were reshaped by state law, sometimes holding out the possibility of the restitution not only of land but also of culture and identity for Indigenous peoples. As these claims and the broader politics of indigeneity to which they were attached came to challenge the settler state, its history and moral foundations, as well as economic development, both the content of claims and the characters of the claimants became subject to sharp critique.
近几十年来,原住民对圣地的主张在澳大利亚引发了关于身份、真实性和历史的深远争论。在这样一个公开承认世俗的国家,没有宪法或法律承认宗教自由原则,这是令人惊讶的。这篇文章描绘了20世纪70年代,神圣主张的出现,以及它们与更广泛的土著政治的交织。这些主张形成并被州法律重新塑造,有时不仅有可能恢复土地,而且有可能恢复土著人民的文化和身份。随着这些要求以及它们所依附的更广泛的土著政治开始挑战移民国家,其历史和道德基础,以及经济发展,要求的内容和要求者的特征都受到了尖锐的批评。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Journal of Religious and Political Practice
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