Pub Date : 2018-09-02DOI: 10.1080/20566093.2018.1525894
N. Abdullah, Mohamed Nawab Mohamed Osman
ABSTRACT The Islamic conservative turn in Southeast Asia has been an important subject of inquiry for many observers of Islam in the region. More recent studies of the conservative turn in the region have noted the differences in the religious orientation, modes of activism, and agendas of the different actors in the country (e.g. work on Front Pembela Islam [FPI], Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia [HTI], Salafis, Traditionalists). This article shows different articulations of Islamisation in Indonesia infiltrating the media after the fall of Soeharto. It seeks to examine new mediums of Islamic propagation promoted by different Islamic actors who use film, radio, and social media, all of which have different social implications in Indonesia’s Muslim society. Discussions of media in this article are intertwined with popular culture studies, a field of important scholarly inquiry often overlooked in political and social studies. The development of Islam-based media—in which Islamic pop culture also thrives—is a form of bottom-up Islamisation in Indonesia, which reflects resistance from the various layers of Indonesia’s Muslim society towards the Western-led process of globalisation. As apparent in this article, the Islamisation trend in the Indonesian media plays a key role both in pluralising the various discourses of Islam and normalising religious conservatism.
东南亚地区伊斯兰教的保守转向一直是该地区许多伊斯兰教观察家研究的重要课题。最近对该地区保守派转向的研究，注意到该国不同行动者在宗教取向、行动模式和议程上的差异(例如Front Pembela Islam [FPI]、Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia [HTI]、Salafis、Traditionalists)。这篇文章展示了苏哈托倒台后，印尼媒体对伊斯兰化的不同表述。它试图研究由不同的伊斯兰演员使用电影，广播和社交媒体推动的伊斯兰传播的新媒介，所有这些都对印度尼西亚的穆斯林社会产生了不同的社会影响。本文中对媒体的讨论与流行文化研究交织在一起，这是一个重要的学术研究领域，在政治和社会研究中经常被忽视。以伊斯兰教为基础的媒体的发展——其中伊斯兰流行文化也蓬勃发展——是印尼自下而上的伊斯兰化的一种形式，反映了印尼穆斯林社会各阶层对西方主导的全球化进程的抵制。正如本文所述，印尼媒体的伊斯兰化趋势，在伊斯兰教多元化和宗教保守主义正常化方面，都扮演著关键角色。
{"title":"Islamisation in the Indonesian media spaces new sites for a conservative push","authors":"N. Abdullah, Mohamed Nawab Mohamed Osman","doi":"10.1080/20566093.2018.1525894","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20566093.2018.1525894","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Islamic conservative turn in Southeast Asia has been an important subject of inquiry for many observers of Islam in the region. More recent studies of the conservative turn in the region have noted the differences in the religious orientation, modes of activism, and agendas of the different actors in the country (e.g. work on Front Pembela Islam [FPI], Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia [HTI], Salafis, Traditionalists). This article shows different articulations of Islamisation in Indonesia infiltrating the media after the fall of Soeharto. It seeks to examine new mediums of Islamic propagation promoted by different Islamic actors who use film, radio, and social media, all of which have different social implications in Indonesia’s Muslim society. Discussions of media in this article are intertwined with popular culture studies, a field of important scholarly inquiry often overlooked in political and social studies. The development of Islam-based media—in which Islamic pop culture also thrives—is a form of bottom-up Islamisation in Indonesia, which reflects resistance from the various layers of Indonesia’s Muslim society towards the Western-led process of globalisation. As apparent in this article, the Islamisation trend in the Indonesian media plays a key role both in pluralising the various discourses of Islam and normalising religious conservatism.","PeriodicalId":252085,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Religious and Political Practice","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121742367","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-02DOI: 10.1080/20566093.2018.1525903
M. Milani, D. Cottle
ABSTRACT This article examines Islamism as phenomenon and category in the context of the study of religion. It enquires about the experience of Islam in modernity at the juncture of Islam, justice, and civility in order to problematise the discourse on Islamism as political Islam. The argument is made that Islam is not a political religion, but a religion that has historically seen political power as part of its religious project. Further, that Islamism as a modern religio-political and socio-economic experience of Islam is inspired by contact between Islam and Marxism.
{"title":"Quest for justice: Islamism, social justice, and civility in Islamic history","authors":"M. Milani, D. Cottle","doi":"10.1080/20566093.2018.1525903","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20566093.2018.1525903","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines Islamism as phenomenon and category in the context of the study of religion. It enquires about the experience of Islam in modernity at the juncture of Islam, justice, and civility in order to problematise the discourse on Islamism as political Islam. The argument is made that Islam is not a political religion, but a religion that has historically seen political power as part of its religious project. Further, that Islamism as a modern religio-political and socio-economic experience of Islam is inspired by contact between Islam and Marxism.","PeriodicalId":252085,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Religious and Political Practice","volume":"212 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116125471","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-02DOI: 10.1080/20566093.2018.1525899
S. Saleem
ABSTRACT This paper posits that certain Muslim minority and Muslim reformist groups that propagate non-mainstream viewpoints on Islam were securitised by the Malaysian state as societal threats when the state perceived its own interests to be potentially threatened. An examination of recent religious deviancy restrictions on two examples from these groups termed broadly in this paper as non-mainstream Muslims (NMM) shows that both arms of the Malaysian state—politicians in the UMNO-led government and the religious bureaucracy—used the same public order and social cohesion concerns to characterise the NMM as threats sufficiently dangerous that restrictive means were required to quell them. With the state’s use of the public order and social cohesion concerns, the paper argues that the way in which the NMM were labelled as deviant and securitised was dependent on the local political and social contexts and not solely tied to theological reasoning. Lastly, the paper puts forth a comprehensive argument that accounts for the different interests and motivations of both the politicians and the religious bureaucracy in the securitisation of the NMM, the roots of which lie in the processes of progressive Islamisation.
{"title":"State use of public order and social cohesion concerns in the securitisation of non-mainstream Muslims in Malaysia","authors":"S. Saleem","doi":"10.1080/20566093.2018.1525899","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20566093.2018.1525899","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper posits that certain Muslim minority and Muslim reformist groups that propagate non-mainstream viewpoints on Islam were securitised by the Malaysian state as societal threats when the state perceived its own interests to be potentially threatened. An examination of recent religious deviancy restrictions on two examples from these groups termed broadly in this paper as non-mainstream Muslims (NMM) shows that both arms of the Malaysian state—politicians in the UMNO-led government and the religious bureaucracy—used the same public order and social cohesion concerns to characterise the NMM as threats sufficiently dangerous that restrictive means were required to quell them. With the state’s use of the public order and social cohesion concerns, the paper argues that the way in which the NMM were labelled as deviant and securitised was dependent on the local political and social contexts and not solely tied to theological reasoning. Lastly, the paper puts forth a comprehensive argument that accounts for the different interests and motivations of both the politicians and the religious bureaucracy in the securitisation of the NMM, the roots of which lie in the processes of progressive Islamisation.","PeriodicalId":252085,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Religious and Political Practice","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115463949","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-02DOI: 10.1080/20566093.2018.1525901
K. Knott
ABSTRACT Since the 1990s, scholars of religion on both sides of the Atlantic have been drawn into engagement with law enforcement agencies and security policymakers and practitioners, particularly for their expertise on new religious movements and Islam. Whilst enabling researchers to contribute to real-world challenges, this relationship has had its frustrations and difficulties, as well as its benefits and opportunities. Drawing on examples from the UK, Canada, and the US, I set out the relationship between religion and the contemporary security landscape before discussing some of the key issues arising in security research partnerships. I then turn to the question of knowledge exchange and translation in the study of religions, developing the distinction between ‘know what’ (knowledge about religions and being religiously literate), ‘know why’ (explaining religions and making the link to security threats), and ‘know how’ (researcher expertise and skills in engagement with practitioners).
{"title":"Applying the study of religions in the security domain: knowledge, skills, and collaboration","authors":"K. Knott","doi":"10.1080/20566093.2018.1525901","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20566093.2018.1525901","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since the 1990s, scholars of religion on both sides of the Atlantic have been drawn into engagement with law enforcement agencies and security policymakers and practitioners, particularly for their expertise on new religious movements and Islam. Whilst enabling researchers to contribute to real-world challenges, this relationship has had its frustrations and difficulties, as well as its benefits and opportunities. Drawing on examples from the UK, Canada, and the US, I set out the relationship between religion and the contemporary security landscape before discussing some of the key issues arising in security research partnerships. I then turn to the question of knowledge exchange and translation in the study of religions, developing the distinction between ‘know what’ (knowledge about religions and being religiously literate), ‘know why’ (explaining religions and making the link to security threats), and ‘know how’ (researcher expertise and skills in engagement with practitioners).","PeriodicalId":252085,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Religious and Political Practice","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130118327","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-02DOI: 10.1080/20566093.2018.1525897
R. Hefner
ABSTRACT Since Indonesia’s return to electoral democracy in 1998–1999, analysts have spoken of the deepening ‘Islamisation’ of politics, public culture, and personal life in this Southeast Asian nation. Just what these trends entail for citizenship and social recognition, as well as the varied meanings of ‘Islamisation’ itself, are the questions at the heart of this article. The article begins by sketching a theoretical framework for how to understand the forms and meanings of Islamisation. The approach emphasises that Islamisation is always socially contingent, epistemologically heterogeneous, and varied in its impact on citizenship and social recognition. The article then reviews trends in Islamisation and public ethics in modern Indonesia, devoting primary attention to developments since 1998. It emphasises that Islamisation’s long term implications for citizenship and public recognition will depend on which variety of Islamisation achieves political and public-ethical hegemony. It also emphasises, however, that the Islamisation projects currently underway in Indonesia have already had profound effects on gender practices and ethnoreligious relations. The article ends by highlighting the political and moral complexity of Islamisation in Reformasi Indonesia by comparing several rival Islamisation projects, each with different implications for politics, citizenship, gender, and the practice of Islam.
{"title":"Which Islam? Whose Shariah? Islamisation and citizen recognition in contemporary Indonesia","authors":"R. Hefner","doi":"10.1080/20566093.2018.1525897","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20566093.2018.1525897","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since Indonesia’s return to electoral democracy in 1998–1999, analysts have spoken of the deepening ‘Islamisation’ of politics, public culture, and personal life in this Southeast Asian nation. Just what these trends entail for citizenship and social recognition, as well as the varied meanings of ‘Islamisation’ itself, are the questions at the heart of this article. The article begins by sketching a theoretical framework for how to understand the forms and meanings of Islamisation. The approach emphasises that Islamisation is always socially contingent, epistemologically heterogeneous, and varied in its impact on citizenship and social recognition. The article then reviews trends in Islamisation and public ethics in modern Indonesia, devoting primary attention to developments since 1998. It emphasises that Islamisation’s long term implications for citizenship and public recognition will depend on which variety of Islamisation achieves political and public-ethical hegemony. It also emphasises, however, that the Islamisation projects currently underway in Indonesia have already had profound effects on gender practices and ethnoreligious relations. The article ends by highlighting the political and moral complexity of Islamisation in Reformasi Indonesia by comparing several rival Islamisation projects, each with different implications for politics, citizenship, gender, and the practice of Islam.","PeriodicalId":252085,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Religious and Political Practice","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115538626","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-02DOI: 10.1080/20566093.2018.1525895
A. Arosoaie
ABSTRACT This paper highlights the contingency and epistemological heterogeneity of bottom-up calls for Islamisation in Malaysia and India. Using Shahab Ahmad’s conceptualisation of Islam as a language (Islam/ic), the paper investigates the plurality of meanings grassroots actors attach to common Islamic signifiers. In the case of Malaysia, the sociopolitical context of the Islamisation race between PAS and UMNO and the institutionalisation of Islamic piety, along with the global Islamist revival, provided the platform for the emergence of fragmented new Islamic ontologies. Among these, the paper focused on ISIS supporters and sympathisers expressing claims to self-actualisation and righteousness as conservative demands for the establishment an Islamic State, implementation of Shari’a and hudud. In India, the political context of an allegedly oppressing Hindu numerical majority, the prevalence of anti-Muslim biases and socially institutionalised discrimination, and the failures of Indian secularism, provided the platform for the emergence of new Islamic ontologies. With a focus on SIMI, the paper sketched out how Islam communicates calls for justice and recognition, a re-imagination also assisted by growing international prevalence of calls for justice framed in radical Islamic terms.
{"title":"Speaking Islamic: self-actualisation and justice in Malaysia and India","authors":"A. Arosoaie","doi":"10.1080/20566093.2018.1525895","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20566093.2018.1525895","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper highlights the contingency and epistemological heterogeneity of bottom-up calls for Islamisation in Malaysia and India. Using Shahab Ahmad’s conceptualisation of Islam as a language (Islam/ic), the paper investigates the plurality of meanings grassroots actors attach to common Islamic signifiers. In the case of Malaysia, the sociopolitical context of the Islamisation race between PAS and UMNO and the institutionalisation of Islamic piety, along with the global Islamist revival, provided the platform for the emergence of fragmented new Islamic ontologies. Among these, the paper focused on ISIS supporters and sympathisers expressing claims to self-actualisation and righteousness as conservative demands for the establishment an Islamic State, implementation of Shari’a and hudud. In India, the political context of an allegedly oppressing Hindu numerical majority, the prevalence of anti-Muslim biases and socially institutionalised discrimination, and the failures of Indian secularism, provided the platform for the emergence of new Islamic ontologies. With a focus on SIMI, the paper sketched out how Islam communicates calls for justice and recognition, a re-imagination also assisted by growing international prevalence of calls for justice framed in radical Islamic terms.","PeriodicalId":252085,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Religious and Political Practice","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116684056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-02DOI: 10.1080/20566093.2018.1525898
W. Abdullah
ABSTRACT Southeast Asian countries have, since independence, grappled with the issue of religious management. Many of them, especially in the Malay Archipelago, have attempted to bureaucratize Islam specifically, as they attempt to keep religion in check and/or harness it for political and nation-building purposes. This paper investigates how the state in Singapore has drawn the boundaries for Islam’s involvement in public affairs via this bureaucratisation. The attempt by the state to be the ultimate arbiter in Islamic affairs is primarily successful, though it is not without contestations. Due to the constricting nature of the political system, Muslim actors have largely tried to maximise their influence within the confines of what the state deems permissible either by not confronting the state directly or by overtly cooperating with it in some instances. Dissent towards the state-sanctioned version of Islam may arise in pockets, especially on social media, but it is limited both in scope and participation.
{"title":"Bureaucratising Islam: State strategies and Muslim responses in Singapore","authors":"W. Abdullah","doi":"10.1080/20566093.2018.1525898","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20566093.2018.1525898","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Southeast Asian countries have, since independence, grappled with the issue of religious management. Many of them, especially in the Malay Archipelago, have attempted to bureaucratize Islam specifically, as they attempt to keep religion in check and/or harness it for political and nation-building purposes. This paper investigates how the state in Singapore has drawn the boundaries for Islam’s involvement in public affairs via this bureaucratisation. The attempt by the state to be the ultimate arbiter in Islamic affairs is primarily successful, though it is not without contestations. Due to the constricting nature of the political system, Muslim actors have largely tried to maximise their influence within the confines of what the state deems permissible either by not confronting the state directly or by overtly cooperating with it in some instances. Dissent towards the state-sanctioned version of Islam may arise in pockets, especially on social media, but it is limited both in scope and participation.","PeriodicalId":252085,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Religious and Political Practice","volume":"872 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133542610","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-02DOI: 10.1080/20566093.2018.1525893
A. Arosoaie, M. Osman
ABSTRACT This special issue brings together six papers examining the emergence and development of Islamisation in the context of Southeast Asia. All papers problematise of the concept of Islamisation as merely an interplay between religion and politics. Instead, ‘Islam’ is understood as an episteme, a map-making exercise, which enables groups and individuals to render past, present and future experiences meaningful. The papers employ interdisciplinary frameworks, drawing on insights from law, political science, sociology and anthropology, to highlight how Islamisation entails both individual and group-led efforts to navigate complex configurations of modernity in the context of law, politics, media and education
{"title":"Islam beyond religion and politics: Islamisation in Southeast Asia","authors":"A. Arosoaie, M. Osman","doi":"10.1080/20566093.2018.1525893","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20566093.2018.1525893","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This special issue brings together six papers examining the emergence and development of Islamisation in the context of Southeast Asia. All papers problematise of the concept of Islamisation as merely an interplay between religion and politics. Instead, ‘Islam’ is understood as an episteme, a map-making exercise, which enables groups and individuals to render past, present and future experiences meaningful. The papers employ interdisciplinary frameworks, drawing on insights from law, political science, sociology and anthropology, to highlight how Islamisation entails both individual and group-led efforts to navigate complex configurations of modernity in the context of law, politics, media and education","PeriodicalId":252085,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Religious and Political Practice","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133670323","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-02DOI: 10.1080/20566093.2018.1525900
C. Adair‐Toteff
ABSTRACT In the Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Max Weber demonstrates his mastery in many different fields. However, Weber acknowledged that he was no expert in theology and he admitted that he had relied on a number of theological sources for his treatment of Calvin. Unfortunately, an examination of his sources reveals that Weber was highly selective. He not only chose what he wanted to use; he also dismissed those theologians whose ideas did not seem to fit his interpretation. Weber did not provide us with an account of Calvin’s Doctrine of Predestination as it was, but he gave us one as he wanted it to be.
{"title":"Weber’s ‘use and abuse’ of Calvin’s Doctrine of Predestination","authors":"C. Adair‐Toteff","doi":"10.1080/20566093.2018.1525900","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20566093.2018.1525900","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In the Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Max Weber demonstrates his mastery in many different fields. However, Weber acknowledged that he was no expert in theology and he admitted that he had relied on a number of theological sources for his treatment of Calvin. Unfortunately, an examination of his sources reveals that Weber was highly selective. He not only chose what he wanted to use; he also dismissed those theologians whose ideas did not seem to fit his interpretation. Weber did not provide us with an account of Calvin’s Doctrine of Predestination as it was, but he gave us one as he wanted it to be.","PeriodicalId":252085,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Religious and Political Practice","volume":"55 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126612334","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-02DOI: 10.1080/20566093.2018.1525896
Kerstin Steiner
ABSTRACT Malaysia is a multiracial and multireligious society, with an intricate relationship between its different ethnicities, religions, and the state, which is often politically, socially, and legally loaded. The paper analyses the relationship between religion, law, and politics in Malaysia, which has been contentious since independence. There is no political consensus as to how this relationship should conceptualised. In recent years there has been an increasing trend towards the Islamisation of law and politics in Malaysia. This trend had far-reaching consequences illustrated in the discourses surrounding unilateral conversion of children and, of course, the implementation of hudud (Islamic criminal law) to name a few. Yet the pertinent question is whether this trend will change with the new political coalition in power since May 2018. Given the current political, social, and religious climate in Malaysia, this paper argues that a consensus on the definite role that Islam plays in Malaysia is unlikely to be reached. The positions between the defenders of secularism and the advocates for an increased role of Islam in the state have become more entrenched.
{"title":"Malaysia at the crossroads? The never-ending discourse between Islam, law, and politics","authors":"Kerstin Steiner","doi":"10.1080/20566093.2018.1525896","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20566093.2018.1525896","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Malaysia is a multiracial and multireligious society, with an intricate relationship between its different ethnicities, religions, and the state, which is often politically, socially, and legally loaded. The paper analyses the relationship between religion, law, and politics in Malaysia, which has been contentious since independence. There is no political consensus as to how this relationship should conceptualised. In recent years there has been an increasing trend towards the Islamisation of law and politics in Malaysia. This trend had far-reaching consequences illustrated in the discourses surrounding unilateral conversion of children and, of course, the implementation of hudud (Islamic criminal law) to name a few. Yet the pertinent question is whether this trend will change with the new political coalition in power since May 2018. Given the current political, social, and religious climate in Malaysia, this paper argues that a consensus on the definite role that Islam plays in Malaysia is unlikely to be reached. The positions between the defenders of secularism and the advocates for an increased role of Islam in the state have become more entrenched.","PeriodicalId":252085,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Religious and Political Practice","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126043174","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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