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Les ports de la città dipinta et leur place dans les représentations picturales du port citta迪平塔的港口及其在港口形象中的地位
Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.5913/pala.13.2020.a001
P. Arnaud
The so-called città dipinta is a wall painting found under the Baths of Trajan on an triple arch at the entrance of a monumental building whose identity and function still are unclear. This article discusses the representation of the two ports above and under the image of a city which is the only extant figure of a group that consisted in at least two, maybe four connected images. It focuses on the originality of this figure showing an empty although ideal city and its two empty ports. This emptiness is unique in Roman landscape painting. Its also points out the pictorial stereotypes the images of the ports rely on and brings parallels to paitings preserved in the Vesuvian area. It then discusses the topic and documentary value of the images of the two ports, both fortified. They seem to illustrate two different kinds of ports: above, a narrow port with shipsheds, which seems to provide the image of a port of war, while the one under the city, along roofed houses, seems to be a port of trade, both without a single ship. These form a complementary portual figure. This also provides us with the first pictorial occurrence of a feature described only in post-antique texts, whose existence was nevertheless suggested by several clues : the entrance channel could be covered by a vault and closed by a device.
所谓的citt dipinta是在图拉真浴场(Baths of Trajan)下发现的一幅壁画,位于一座纪念性建筑入口处的三拱形上,其身份和功能仍不清楚。这篇文章讨论了两个港口在一个城市形象的上面和下面的表现,这个城市形象是一个由至少两个,也许四个相连的形象组成的群体的唯一现存的形象。它的重点是这幅图的独创性,它展示了一个虽然理想但空荡荡的城市和它的两个空荡荡的港口。这种空性在罗马山水画中是独一无二的。它还指出了港口图像所依赖的图像刻板印象,并将其与维苏威地区保存的绘画进行了比较。然后讨论了这两个港口的主题和文献价值,这两个港口都是坚固的。它们似乎说明了两种不同类型的港口:上面是一个有船棚的狭窄港口,这似乎提供了一个战争港口的形象,而城市下面的一个,沿着屋顶的房子,似乎是一个贸易港口,都没有一艘船。它们形成一个互补的虚图。这也为我们提供了一个只在后古代文献中描述的特征的第一次图像出现,尽管如此,它的存在还是有几个线索表明:入口通道可能被一个拱顶覆盖,并被一个装置关闭。
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引用次数: 0
An Attempt at a New Typology of the Lost Latin Historiography of the Late Empire 《失落的帝国后期拉丁史学》新类型学之尝试
Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.5913/pala.13.2020.a009
P. Janiszewski
The present paper proposes a new classification of the lost Latin historiography of the third to fifth centuries. Its chief objective is to take into account the entirety of the evidence for the lost historical writing in Latin in this period, including the material that has to date that has been marginalised or has escaped scholarly atten- tion altogether. Moreover, the new classification yields a significant amount of new information on late ancient Latin historiography.
本文提出了一种新的分类失落的拉丁史学的第三至第五世纪。它的主要目标是考虑到这一时期遗失的拉丁文历史著作的全部证据,包括迄今为止被边缘化或完全逃脱学术关注的材料。此外,新的分类产生了大量关于晚期古拉丁史学的新信息。
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引用次数: 0
Athenian Spoils ‘from the Peloponnesians’ in Dodona (IG I3 1462) 雅典人在多多纳“从伯罗奔尼撒人那里”得到的战利品(IG i31462)
Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.5913/pala.13.2020.a025
A. Wolicki
One of the most important epigraphical findings from Dodona is a slightly damaged bronze plaque with an Athenian dedication of spoils from the naval victory over the Peloponnesians. Author recapitulates old arguments for relating this inscrip- tion to the double victory of Phormio near Rhium/Naupactus in 429 BCE and adds new ones. He rejects the traditional view that the choice of distant Dodona as the place of advertisement of the Athenian victory was dictated by the inaccessibility of Olympia and/or Delphi due to the Peloponnesian War. Instead, he argues that it was a deliberate act of propaganda aimed at the cities and tribes of the northwestern Greece, conceived and carried out by Phormio.
多多纳最重要的铭文发现之一是一块轻微受损的铜牌,上面刻有雅典人对伯罗罗尼撒海战胜利后的战利品的奉献。作者总结了将这一铭文与公元前429年在Rhium/Naupactus附近的Phormio的双重胜利联系起来的旧论点,并添加了新的论点。他反对传统的观点,即选择遥远的多多纳作为雅典胜利的广告地点是由于伯罗奔尼撒战争导致奥林匹亚和/或德尔菲无法进入。相反,他认为这是一种蓄意的宣传行为,目标是希腊西北部的城市和部落,是由佛尔米奥策划和实施的。
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引用次数: 0
Rome et latium, latins et romains dans la poésie augustéenne 罗马和拉齐奥,奥古斯都诗歌中的拉丁人和罗马人
Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.5913/pala.13.2020.a003
Élisabeth Buchet
This paper aims to study the meaning of the words ‘Latin’ and ‘Latium’ in Augustan poetry, and the ways in which it overlaps with the meanings of ‘Rome’ and ‘Roman’, or ‘Italia’ and ‘Italian’. Its goal is to try and examine in which cases these words become synonymous, and offer possible explanations for this phenomenon, be they historical, religious, or literary.
本文旨在研究奥古斯都诗歌中“Latin”和“Latium”这两个词的含义,以及它们与“Rome”和“Roman”或“Italia”和“Italian”的含义重叠的方式。它的目的是尝试和研究在哪些情况下这些词成为同义词,并为这种现象提供可能的解释,无论是历史的、宗教的还是文学的。
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引用次数: 0
Qui a eu l’idée de qualifier Hercule de Victor ? (Macrobe, Sat .iii6 .10–11) 是谁想到把赫拉克勒斯称为维克多的?(Macrobe, Sat .iii6 .10 - 11)
Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.5913/pala.13.2020.a019
B. Poulle
A reading of Macrobius’ passage (Sat. III 6.10–11, where the temple of Hercules Victor in Rome is mentioned) shows that this text is an incoherent collage; the use of the word commentum, which must be restored in accordance with the manuscripts, shows that Macrobius’ (and Servius’) source did not himself believe as true the improbable story of Octavius Herrenus, the flautist turned merchant, who would have founded the cult of Hercules Victor. The origin of the Achaean war justifies that Mummius Achaicus established this Tiburtine cult in Rome.
阅读马克宏比乌斯的段落(星期六三6.10-11,其中提到了罗马的赫拉克勒斯·维克多神庙)表明,这篇文章是一个不连贯的拼贴;“评论”一词的使用,必须根据手稿进行修复,这表明马克宏比乌斯(和塞尔维乌斯)的来源自己并不相信屋大维·赫勒努斯这个不太可能的故事是真实的。屋大维·赫勒努斯是长笛手出身的商人,他将创立赫拉克勒斯·维克多的崇拜。亚该亚战争的起源证明了Mummius Achaicus在罗马建立了这个提伯提崇拜。
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引用次数: 0
O Tite!
Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.5913/pala.13.2020.a022
Mikołaj Szymański
As we see from Ennius, the praenomen alone can be used by a Greek addressing a Roman; as we see from Lucilius, it can be also employed by a Roman greeting a philhellene in jest. At the beginning of Cato Maior, Cicero quotes the passage of Ennius, but those words when addressed by him to Atticus acquire a similar function as those mentioned by Lucilius.
正如我们从恩尼乌斯那里看到的那样,希腊人对罗马人说话时,只能使用“praenomen”这个词;正如我们从卢西留斯那里看到的,它也可以被罗马人用来开玩笑地问候希腊人。在《加图·迈奥》的开头,西塞罗引用了恩尼乌斯的一段话,但他对阿提克斯说的那些话和卢西留提到的有相似的作用。
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引用次数: 0
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Palamedes: A Journal of Ancient History
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