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Eternal Memory to Warriors! Military Campaigns in Ancient Barbaricum from the Perspective of Funerary Archaeology 勇士永垂不朽!从丧葬考古学看古代野蛮人的军事活动
Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.5913/pala.13.2020.a013
Bartosz Kontny
Degree of recognition of the armament models in Barbaricum allows not only to identify certain cultural areas but also to capture the ordinary findings not exactly matching the indigenous pattern. Their interpretation, although burdened with uncertainty, allows depicting the phenomena on the detailed dynamic level, i.e. not as a manifestation of the cultural processes but a phenomenon of a limited scale or relating to small groups of warriors. Author discusses particular finds from differ- ent parts of European Barbaricum, i.a. a Celtic grave from Ciumeşti in Romania, a warrior cemetery from the 1st c. BC in Mutin on the River Seym, 1st/2nd c. AD dou- ble grave from Káloz in Pannonia, 2nd c. AD necropolis in Kariv (western Ukraine), Sudovian Culture grave from Szwajcaria by Suwałki, barrow 2 (early 3rd c. AD) and late antique necropolis at Čatyr Dag in Crimea. Basing on the chosen archaeological examples from different parts of the Iron Age Europe a mobility of a military char- acter – practice mentioned in the written and ethnographic sources – is exemplified.
对Barbaricum武器模型的认识程度不仅可以确定某些文化区域,而且可以捕捉到与土著模式不完全匹配的普通发现。他们的解释虽然有不确定性,但可以在详细的动态层面上描述这种现象,即不是作为文化过程的表现,而是一种有限规模的现象或与小群体的战士有关。作者讨论了来自欧洲蛮族不同地区的特殊发现,即罗马尼亚ciumeti的一个凯尔特坟墓,公元前1世纪在塞姆河上的Mutin的一个战士墓地,公元1 /2世纪在Pannonia Káloz的doubble坟墓,公元2世纪在Kariv(乌克兰西部)的墓地,在Szwajcaria Suwałki的Sudovian文化坟墓,古墓2(公元3世纪早期)和克里米亚Čatyr Dag的古代墓地。本文以铁器时代欧洲不同地区的考古实例为基础,举例说明了书面和民族志资料中提到的军事特征的移动性。
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引用次数: 0
Pour une historiographie des identités nationales 国家身份的史学
Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.5913/pala.13.2020.a023
G. Traina
Among the new critical approaches in modern historiography, the most successful enterprise is undoubtedly the project of the French “Lieux de mémoire” led by Pierre Nora, published between 1984 and 1992, and followed by other similar European projects. Nowadays, memory seems a less relevant issue. We wonder whether is it still legitimate to stigmatize the historiographies of national identities and consider all national memoirs as agglomerations of invented traditions. The founding myths of the Armenian people make a good issue. influenced the development of Armenian historic thought, and contributed to its spiritual continuity.
在现代史学的新批判方法中,最成功的企业无疑是皮埃尔·诺拉(Pierre Nora)在1984年至1992年期间出版的法国“Lieux de m moire”项目,随后还有其他类似的欧洲项目。如今,记忆似乎不那么重要了。我们想知道,对民族身份的历史编纂进行污名化,并将所有民族回忆录视为虚构传统的集合体,是否仍然合法。亚美尼亚人的建国神话是一个很好的话题。影响了亚美尼亚历史思想的发展,并促进了其精神上的延续。
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引用次数: 0
An Aureus of Quietus from the Gothic Territory in Ukraine 来自乌克兰哥特地区的一种安静的金色
Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.5913/pala.13.2020.a004
Aleksander Bursche, K. Myzgin
A very rare type of a pierced aureus of the eastern usurper Quietus recently came to light in western Ukraine, a region settled in the second half of the 3rd century by Gothic societies. Other Quietus and Macrianus II coins from finds are also discussed. Particular attention is paid to the pierced aurei of these usurpers almost certain to derive from barbarian contexts. A significant number of Quietus and Macrianus aurei with marks of reuse appear to represent elements of donativa, handed out in eastern provinces to higher ranking military and officials. Presumably, the Macriani on their march to the Danube provinces, preparatory to their confrontation with the armies of Gallienus, enlisted reinforcements of Germanic war bands, Gothic in particular. In exchange they paid the Germanic commanders with gold coins brought from the East, which were the barbarians pierced and took to their homeland in East-Central Europe. This would be the most likely origin of the Quietus aureus from Ukraine, and possibly, of at least a few of the unprovenanced pierced aurei of Macrianus II and Quietus.
最近在乌克兰西部发现了一种非常罕见的东方篡位者的刺穿金饰,这是三世纪下半叶哥特社会定居的地区。还讨论了发现的其他Quietus和Macrianus II硬币。特别值得注意的是,这些篡位者的金色刺穿几乎肯定来自野蛮人的背景。大量带有重复使用标记的“平静”和“金色大腕”似乎是东部各省分发给高级军官和官员的捐赠品。据推测,马克里亚尼人在向多瑙河行省进军,准备与加里耶努斯的军队对峙时,招募了日耳曼人的军队增援,尤其是哥特人。作为交换,他们用从东方带来的金币支付给日耳曼人指挥官,这些金币被野蛮人刺穿,带到他们在中东欧的家乡。这将是最有可能的起源,从乌克兰,并可能至少有一些不明来源的刺穿金色的Macrianus II和安静的。
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引用次数: 0
Xenodochivm aniciorum
Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.5913/pala.13.2020.a005
Filippo Coarelli
In late antique Rome there existed a particular type of building, usually connected with the great domus of the Christian aristocracy, known as xenodochium whose aim was to provide hospitality for pilgrims. Some recent studies by R. Santangeli Valenzani on this argument provide a wider range of data (in particular regarding the archaeological evidence) and today allow us to confront the problem of the identification of one of these, the Xenodochium Aniciorum. Some inscriptions, from a small area of the Campus Martius, around Via delle Botteghe Oscure, once the site of the small church, which no longer exists, of S. Lucia in Calcarario (identified by Hülsen with S. Lucia in Xenodochio Aniciorum), suggests that it was located in this area, occupied in antiquity by the two porticus Minuciae (vetus and frumentaria), corresponding respectively to Largo Argentina and to the colonnaded area imme- diately to the east of the latter. The detailed study of the late antique and early medieval remains preserved in the ‘sacred area’ of Largo Argentina, realized for the first time by Santangeli Valenzani, has permitted the reconstruction of the building complex, which the author identifies with a monastery. Nevertheless, given the pres- ence in the immediate surroundings, within the ancient building of the Diribitorium, of a large, late antique aristocratic residence, which can be recognized as one of the domus of the Anicii, it is more probable that the complex of Largo Argentina is to be identified with the Xenodochium Aniciorum itself.
在古罗马晚期,有一种特殊类型的建筑,通常与基督教贵族的大宅相连,被称为xenodochium,其目的是为朝圣者提供款待。R. Santangeli Valenzani最近对这一论点的一些研究提供了更广泛的数据(特别是关于考古证据),今天让我们面对鉴定其中一种异种动物的问题。一些铭文,来自Martius校园的一小块区域,在Via delle Botteghe Oscure附近,曾经是Calcarario的圣卢西亚的小教堂的所在地,现在已经不存在了,(由h lsen确定,圣卢西亚在Xenodochio Aniciorum),表明它位于这个区域,在古代由两个porticus Minuciae (vetus和frumentaria)占据,分别对应于Largo Argentina和柱状区域,紧挨着后者的东部。Santangeli Valenzani首次实现了对阿根廷Largo“神圣区域”中保存的晚期古董和早期中世纪遗迹的详细研究,允许重建建筑综合体,作者认为这是一座修道院。然而,考虑到在Diribitorium的古建筑内,有一个大型的晚期古代贵族住宅,可以被认为是Anicii的住宅之一,阿根廷Largo建筑群更有可能与Xenodochium Aniciorum本身相一致。
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引用次数: 0
San Pietro in Vincoli, Pope John II, and the Mystery of Urbiclus Cedrinus 维科利的圣彼得,教皇约翰二世,以及乌比克勒斯·塞德里诺斯之谜
Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.5913/pala.13.2020.a016
Paweł F. Nowakowski
In this paper, the author offers a new edition and commentary on an inscription from the church of San Pietro in Vincoli, Rome, recording a donation to this church by a certain presbyter Severus (PCBE Italie 2: s.v. Sever(u)s 20), under the patronage of Pope John II Mercurius (533–535). From 1568 onwards, the inscription, usually cited as ILCV 1780 (ed. E. Diehl) has attracted the attention of a number of already early modern scholars, who have offered different readings and dating of this text and have described its changing display location in the building. These aspects of the inscription’s history have been entirely absent from present-day studies of this church, and a need for a proper edition has been increasingly pressing. Alongside the editorial part, the author refers to the enigmatic urbiclus cedrinus, specified in the inscription as the object donated by Severus. Several different possible inter- pretations of this term are examined, including the now prevalent identification as a ‘small cedar disk’ by Giusto Fontanini (1727), and a new option is suggested: that it was a cedar panel decorating the door.
在本文中,作者提供了一个新的版本和评论的铭文从圣彼得教堂在Vincoli,罗马,记录捐赠给这个教堂的某长老Severus (PCBE意大利2:s.v Sever(u)s 20),在教皇约翰二世墨丘利(533-535)的赞助下。从1568年起,通常被引用为ILCV 1780 (E. Diehl编著)的铭文吸引了许多早期现代学者的注意,他们对该文本提供了不同的阅读和日期,并描述了其在建筑物中不断变化的展示位置。这些方面的铭文的历史已经完全缺席了这个教堂的今天的研究,需要一个适当的版本已经越来越紧迫。除了编辑部分,作者提到了神秘的丘比克勒斯塞德诺斯,在铭文中指定为西弗勒斯捐赠的对象。对这个词的几种不同可能的解释进行了研究,包括现在普遍认为的Giusto Fontanini(1727)的“小雪松盘”,并提出了一个新的选择:它是装饰门的雪松板。
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引用次数: 0
Thucydide sur les ktiseis en sicile et sur d’autres antiquités 修昔底德在西西里岛的ktiseis和其他古物上
Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.5913/pala.13.2020.a002
Benedetto Bravo
Thucydides’ so-called « Sicilian archaiologia », which opens his account of the Athe- nian expedition to Sicily of 415–413 BC, does not contain information indispensable for that account. It rather serves as a signal marking a decisive turn of the story. It is not a loose collection of pieces of information on the remote past of Sicily, derived from Antiochos’ Σικελικά or from Hellanikos’ Ἱέρειαι τῆς Ἥρας αἱ ἐν Ἄργει or from other sources. Neither is it an exhaustive, self-sufficient discourse. It is a brilliantly written sketch by which Thucydides wanted to show his ability of getting precise knowledge about particular facts of the ancient past: a literary ἀγώνισμα on the field of antiquarian research. While tacitly relying on Hellanikos’ Ἱέρειαι for the dating of the main Sicilian ktiseis, he tried to establish a more precise chronology at least for a few ktiseis and to give details on the νόμιμα of at least some Sicilian poleis. A similar interest in antiquarian research can be observed in some other places of Thucydides’ work, for instance in his sketch of the topography of old Athens, in his reconstruction of the festival that used to be celebrated at Delos in remote times, or in his remarks on the beginnings of Sparta’s politeia. His treatment of the last topic is particularly significant: he takes a stand that is different both from the stand of Herodotus and from that of Hellanikos, without mentioning the differences.
修昔底德所著的所谓《西西里考古学》记述了公元前415-413年雅典人对西西里的远征,其中并没有包含对这一记述不可或缺的信息。相反,它是一个标志着故事发生决定性转折的信号。它不是来自安提奥科斯的Σικελικά或Hellanikos的Ἱ ρα ιαι τ τ ςἭρας α ο νἌργει或其他来源的关于西西里岛遥远过去的零散信息的收集。它也不是一个详尽的、自给自足的论述。修昔底德想要通过这篇写得很出色的短文来展示他对古代历史的特定事实获得精确知识的能力:关于古物研究领域的文学作品γώνισμα。而暗中依靠HellanikosἹέρειαι约会的主要西西里ktiseis,他试图建立一个更精确的年代学至少几ktiseis,给细节νόμιμα至少一些西西里世纪。在修昔底德著作的其他一些地方,也可以看到他对古物研究的类似兴趣,例如,在他对古雅典地形的素描中,在他对古代在提洛斯举行的节日的重建中,或者在他对斯巴达政治开端的评论中。他对最后一个话题的处理特别重要:他的立场与希罗多德和赫拉尼科斯的立场都不同,但没有提及两者的区别。
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引用次数: 0
Cassius Dio (53 .27 .2–3), the Pantheon and the ‘Former Caesar’(ὁ πρότερός Καῖσαρ)
Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.5913/pala.13.2020.a017
Lechosław Olszewski
Agrippa’s Pantheon remains the subject of lively debates. A much-discussed passage is found in Cassius Dio’s Roman History (53.27.2-3), which is most often treated as a stand-alone, self-explanatory whole. However, in order to be comprehensible, each text needs a broader range of reference points in order for meaning to be extracted. In this paper, I analyze part of that contextual spectrum (including Dio’s attitude to the so-called imperial cult and the roles played in his narrative by the cults of both Augustus and Caesar), and I argue that we should view his account of the Pantheon with considerable caution. That account contains three different narrative threads: one based on the annalist tradition, but also one which drew on the author’s own experiences, and one that constituted a literary and rhetorical overlay aimed at real- izing the general objectives of the Roman History. In this account, the ‘former Caesar’ has been placed in between twice over: between the author’s historical knowledge and his present circumstances, and between the realms of gods and humans. That imprecise nature of this expression was no accident. I believe the expression was not so much a reference to a specific statue as a figure of speech emphasizing the differ- ence, fundamental from Dio’s perspective, between the incumbent emperor and his deceased predecessor.
阿格里帕的万神殿仍然是激烈辩论的主题。卡修斯·迪奥的《罗马史》(53.27.2-3)中有一段被广泛讨论的段落,它通常被视为一个独立的、不言自明的整体。然而,为了便于理解,每个文本都需要更广泛的参考点,以便提取意义。在本文中,我分析了部分上下文范围(包括迪奥对所谓的帝国崇拜的态度,以及奥古斯都和凯撒的崇拜在他的叙述中所扮演的角色),我认为我们应该相当谨慎地看待他对万神殿的描述。这种叙述包含三种不同的叙事线索:一种基于编年史的传统,另一种借鉴了作者自己的经历,另一种构成了一种文学和修辞的覆盖,旨在实现罗马史的总体目标。在这本书中,“前凯撒”被置于两次之间:在作者的历史知识和他现在的环境之间,在神和人的领域之间。这种表达的不精确性并非偶然。我相信这个表达与其说是指一个特定的雕像,不如说是一种修辞手法,强调在任皇帝和他已故的前任之间的差异,从迪奥的角度来看,这是根本的差异。
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引用次数: 0
Cum subito sole obscurato non comparuisset (cic. resp . 2 .17) Cum subito sole obscurato non comparuisset (cic. resp. 2 . 17)
Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.5913/pala.13.2020.a018
D. Palombi
In the face of an imposing and very authoritative history of studies regarding the various traditions about the end and the „disappearance” of the founding king of Rome, this brief note draws attention to some minor aspects and figures of the com- plex and contradictory Romulean saga, attempting to investigate the times, modes, promoters and motives of its elaboration and exploitation.
面对关于罗马建国王结束和“消失”的各种传统的令人印象深刻和非常权威的研究历史,这篇简短的笔记将注意力集中在复杂和矛盾的罗慕尔传奇的一些次要方面和人物上,试图调查其阐述和利用的时代,模式,推动者和动机。
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引用次数: 0
Some Considerations on the Socio-Political Aspects of the Law-Codification in the Province of Yehud in the Persian Period 对波斯时期耶胡德省法典化的社会政治问题的思考
Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.5913/pala.13.2020.a015
Łukasz Niesiołowski-Spanò
The article juxtaposes the process of law codification that took place in Rome in the mid-5th century BCE under the so-called Law of the Twelve Tables and the codification of law that took place around the same time in Palestine, known as Deuteronomy. According to the reconstruction of events in Rome, the codification of laws involved an attempt to limit the judicial omnipotence of the elite, due to pressure from a new elite that sought to diminish the power of the old elite. The text asks whether analogous political mechanisms could have led to the codification of law in the form of Deuteronomy, and if so, how to define the group whose judicial omnipotence would be curtailed.
这篇文章将公元前5世纪中期发生在罗马的法律编纂过程,即所谓的“十二表法”,和大约同一时期发生在巴勒斯坦的法律编纂过程,即《申命记》,并列在一起。根据对罗马事件的重建,由于来自新精英的压力,试图削弱旧精英的权力,法律的编纂涉及到限制精英的司法全能的尝试。文章问,类似的政治机制是否会导致以申命记的形式编纂法律,如果是这样,如何定义司法全能将被削弱的群体。
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引用次数: 0
Les divinités dites abstraites chez les pères de l’Église, une méconnaissance volontaire du polythéisme ? 教父们所谓的抽象神,是对多神论的故意无知?
Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.5913/pala.13.2020.a021
J. Scheid
Les pères de l’Église utilisent les assimilations philosophiques de listes de divinités romaines pour prouver que les Romains considéraient que derrière la pluralité des dieux existait en fait une divinité unique. Or ils n’évoquent pas du tout des procédures qui étaient encore vivantes dans le culte d’État du milieu du IIIe s. ap. J.-C. Ces listes divines étaient des dispositifs rituels pour souligner et renforcer l’action divine, et non un moyen pour représenter l’unicité du divin. C’était tout le contraire, et l’on peut se demander si cette méconnaissance est volontaire. The Church fathers use philosophical assimilations in lists of Roman deities to prove that the Romans actually considered that behind the plurality of the gods existed a unique god. However, they do not mention at all the procedures that were still alive in the State cult of the mid-3rd century AD. These divine lists were ritual devices for emphasizing and strengthening divine action, not a means to represent the uniqueness of the divine. It was quite the opposite, and one wonders if this error is voluntary.
教会的教父们用罗马神的名单的哲学同化来证明罗马人认为在众多神的背后实际上存在着一个神。然而,他们根本没有提到在公元三世纪中期的国家崇拜中仍然存在的程序。这些神圣的清单是强调和加强神圣行动的仪式装置,而不是代表神圣合一的手段。事实恰恰相反,人们可能会问,这种无知是否是故意的。in The Church用途争议斯奈德的父亲deities to prove that The lists of小说,小说中好that后面plurality of The gods看一次独一无二的上帝了。然而,他们没有提到在公元三世纪中期的国家崇拜中仍然存在的程序。赞美神lists were ritual devices for emphasizing神圣和加强行动,not a means to the uniqueness of the divine大势所趋。它是完全相反的,如果这个错误是自愿的。
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引用次数: 0
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Palamedes: A Journal of Ancient History
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