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UNITE History Volume 1 (1880-1931)最新文献

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Creating the TGWU 1920–22 创建TGWU 1920-22
Pub Date : 2021-06-15 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv1r1nqxz.8
Mary Davis, J. Foster
The syndicalist vision of ‘One Big Union’ resulted in the more limited project, led by Bevin, of the amalgamation of 22 road transport dock and waterway unions to form the TGWU. This chapter examines the process of amalgamation set against the impact of the economic downturn which resulted in high rates of unemployment and an attack on wage rates in the staple industries, coal mining in particular. The inconclusive fight back in which the TGWU as part of the Triple Alliance, played a major role, was held responsible for the ‘Black Friday’ 1921 and the subsequent defeat of the miners.
“一个大联盟”的工团主义愿景导致了贝文领导的更有限的项目,将22个公路运输码头和水路工会合并成TGWU。本章考察了合并的过程,对经济衰退的影响,导致高失业率和攻击工资率在主要工业,特别是煤矿开采。TGWU作为三方联盟的一部分,在这场没有结果的反击中发挥了重要作用,被认为是1921年“黑色星期五”和随后的矿工失败的原因。
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引用次数: 0
Abbreviations 缩写
Pub Date : 2021-06-15 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv1r1nqxz.5
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引用次数: 0
Co-operation and Incorporation 1926–27 1926-27年合作与合并
Pub Date : 2021-06-15 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv1r1nqxz.13
Mary Davis, J. Foster
This chapter looks at the aftermath of the strike in which the government’s victory led to a serious rethinking of its attitude to the labour movement and industrial relations. It examines the division within Tory ranks on how best to deal with potential future militancy based on the perceived strength of socialist forces. Both hawks and ‘modernisers’ were concerned to deliver a tame trade union movement. The 1927 Trades Disputes Act appeased the hawks, the ‘modernisers’ strategy was one of reducing further friction between capital and labour by encouraging joint working and consensus. This strategy was dependent on winning the agreement of trade union leaders and the TUC. Bevin, in a turn to the right, played a major role in ensuring compliance. He was subject to sustained criticism within the TGWU for his role in calling off the strike and in the aftermath in which employers sought retribution initiating mass victimisation of strikers. The central argument of the chapter is that 1927 marked a major turning point leading to the social partnership agenda detailed in the ensuing Mond-Turner agreement.
这一章着眼于罢工的后果,政府的胜利导致了对工人运动和劳资关系态度的认真反思。它考察了保守党内部的分歧,即如何最好地应对基于社会主义力量的潜在未来战斗。鹰派和“现代化派”都希望能带来一场温和的工会运动。1927年的《贸易纠纷法案》安抚了鹰派,“现代化者”的策略是通过鼓励共同工作和达成共识来减少劳资之间的进一步摩擦。这一策略取决于赢得工会领导人和英国职工大会的同意。向右转的贝文在确保合规方面发挥了重要作用。他一直受到TGWU内部的批评,因为他在取消罢工中所扮演的角色,以及在罢工后雇主寻求报复,开始大规模迫害罢工者。本章的中心论点是,1927年标志着一个重要的转折点,导致了随后的蒙德-特纳协议中详述的社会伙伴关系议程。
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引用次数: 0
Running the Union in Difficult Times: 在困难时期经营工会:
Pub Date : 2021-06-15 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv1r1nqxz.17
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引用次数: 0
The TGWU, Bevin and the Economic Crisis TGWU,贝文和经济危机
Pub Date : 2021-06-15 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv1r1nqxz.18
Mary Davis, J. Foster
This chapter deals with the union’s response to mass unemployment, the economic crisis and the failure of the labour government to make good on its election pledges- in particular its unwillingness to repeal the 1927 Trades Disputes Act. Thus trade union support for the MacDonald government waned Bevin’s alternative economic policy was based on Commonwealth tariff preference – this was attacked by the left. Bevin was also attacked for concentrating power in his own hands and for his industrial relation strategy based on an accommodation with capital. Under the control of Bevin and Citrine, the Daily Herald was transformed into a mass circulation paper, published by Odhams Press.
这一章讨论了工会对大规模失业、经济危机和工党政府未能兑现其竞选承诺的反应——尤其是它不愿废除1927年的《贸易纠纷法案》。因此,工会对麦克唐纳政府的支持减弱了,贝文的替代经济政策是基于英联邦关税优惠——这受到了左翼的攻击。贝文也因将权力集中在自己手中以及他的产业关系策略基于与资本的妥协而受到攻击。在Bevin和Citrine的控制下,《每日先驱报》变成了一份大量流通的报纸,由Odhams出版社出版。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
UNITE History Volume 1 (1880-1931)
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