Abstract This paper examines missionary encounters that faciliate the extraordinary conversion of nearly one third of approximately one million Hmong in Vietnam to Evangelical Protestantism in the last two decades. Since this conversion is not officially approved by the Vietnamese government, these missionary encounters and the networks that facilitate them are highly informal and largely underground. This paper argues that the informality of Hmong evangelical networks as well as the conversion that they facilitate can only be fully understood if one seriously takes into account their ethnic and transnational aspects. Ethnic ties are important factors that motivate overseas Hmong to carry out missionary work in Vietnam, and such ties are also the primary reason why evangelism, carried out by Hmong missionaries, was and is so readily accepted by so many Hmong people in the country. In other words, it is from an ethnic aspiration to change their group’s marginal position and to become modern that many Hmong in Vietnam decide to convert to Christianity. Similarly, the missionary zeal of many American Hmong Christians is connected to their ethnic commitment to the Hmong in Asia while simultaneously shaped by their conversion to Protestantism during and after their migration to America. In this paper, I will show that it is also because of an ethnic commitment that many Hmong missionaries undertake the risk and danger to evangelize in Vietnam.
{"title":"Missionary Encounters at the China-Vietnam Border: The case of the Hmong / 中越边境的传教士活 动---以赫蒙人为例","authors":"T. Ngô","doi":"10.1515/CDC-2015-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/CDC-2015-0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper examines missionary encounters that faciliate the extraordinary conversion of nearly one third of approximately one million Hmong in Vietnam to Evangelical Protestantism in the last two decades. Since this conversion is not officially approved by the Vietnamese government, these missionary encounters and the networks that facilitate them are highly informal and largely underground. This paper argues that the informality of Hmong evangelical networks as well as the conversion that they facilitate can only be fully understood if one seriously takes into account their ethnic and transnational aspects. Ethnic ties are important factors that motivate overseas Hmong to carry out missionary work in Vietnam, and such ties are also the primary reason why evangelism, carried out by Hmong missionaries, was and is so readily accepted by so many Hmong people in the country. In other words, it is from an ethnic aspiration to change their group’s marginal position and to become modern that many Hmong in Vietnam decide to convert to Christianity. Similarly, the missionary zeal of many American Hmong Christians is connected to their ethnic commitment to the Hmong in Asia while simultaneously shaped by their conversion to Protestantism during and after their migration to America. In this paper, I will show that it is also because of an ethnic commitment that many Hmong missionaries undertake the risk and danger to evangelize in Vietnam.","PeriodicalId":285588,"journal":{"name":"Cultural Diversity in China","volume":"68 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127121180","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper examines the historical formation and contemporary flourishing of certain temple and trust networks that emerged from the Xinghua area along the coast of Fujian province in the late 19th century, and spread across Southeast Asia over the last 150 years. This article examines three out of at least eight different networks that spread from this region to Southeast Asia (Fujiangsheng, Putianshi difangzhi, 2001). These are the 1) Spirit medium Altar Association networks; 2) extended lineage networks; and 3) Buddhist master-disciple networks. These ritual “trust networks” were constructed from cosmopolitical ritual technologies that were transportable, like the portable altar of a Daoist priest, the incense ash of a local god’s temple, methods of collective spirit medium training, or rites conducted before the spirit tablet of an ancestor or a master monk. This paper shows how these ritual methods were employed in a great variety of different political and multi-ethnic settings around Southeast Asia. These networks had a powerful impact on their founding villages and local cultures as well. Rather than simply preserving traditional forms, these networks engaged in continuous ritual revolution, constantly negotiating the forces of modernity within evolving ritual contexts.
{"title":"Ritual revolutions: Temple and Trust networks linking Putian and Southeast Asia / 仪式革命： 联结莆田与 东南亚的寺庙与信任网 络","authors":"K. Dean","doi":"10.1515/CDC-2015-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/CDC-2015-0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper examines the historical formation and contemporary flourishing of certain temple and trust networks that emerged from the Xinghua area along the coast of Fujian province in the late 19th century, and spread across Southeast Asia over the last 150 years. This article examines three out of at least eight different networks that spread from this region to Southeast Asia (Fujiangsheng, Putianshi difangzhi, 2001). These are the 1) Spirit medium Altar Association networks; 2) extended lineage networks; and 3) Buddhist master-disciple networks. These ritual “trust networks” were constructed from cosmopolitical ritual technologies that were transportable, like the portable altar of a Daoist priest, the incense ash of a local god’s temple, methods of collective spirit medium training, or rites conducted before the spirit tablet of an ancestor or a master monk. This paper shows how these ritual methods were employed in a great variety of different political and multi-ethnic settings around Southeast Asia. These networks had a powerful impact on their founding villages and local cultures as well. Rather than simply preserving traditional forms, these networks engaged in continuous ritual revolution, constantly negotiating the forces of modernity within evolving ritual contexts.","PeriodicalId":285588,"journal":{"name":"Cultural Diversity in China","volume":"628 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123339795","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Based on archival studies, this paper analyses an “ethnic symposium” organized by the party committee of the Dali Prefecture in 1956. The author argues that determining the Bai as the ethnonym is a process of “name standardization”. It was neither the decision of the state power, nor was it led by the scholar’s opinion, but by the local elites’ deliberate complicity with the state project. It could be thus called a process of “creating a common fate” under the combined principles of the discourse of “liberation-cum-backwardness”, historical evidence, anti-discrimination, legibility to the ordinary member, conformity to the communist value, etc. It defamiliarizes the everyday knowledge of the people and creates a liminal stage in which a shared fate could be felt. Therefore, this paper is not intended to deconstruct the ethnic identity, but attempts to provide the empirical analysis on a sociological issue of knowledge through contextualizing the usage and implication of the word “minzu” (ethnicity, nation).
{"title":"Creating a Common Fate: The Negotiation Meeting of the Bai’s Ethnonym / 制造共同命运:以“白族”族称的协商座谈会为例","authors":"Liang Yongjia","doi":"10.1515/CDC-2015-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/CDC-2015-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Based on archival studies, this paper analyses an “ethnic symposium” organized by the party committee of the Dali Prefecture in 1956. The author argues that determining the Bai as the ethnonym is a process of “name standardization”. It was neither the decision of the state power, nor was it led by the scholar’s opinion, but by the local elites’ deliberate complicity with the state project. It could be thus called a process of “creating a common fate” under the combined principles of the discourse of “liberation-cum-backwardness”, historical evidence, anti-discrimination, legibility to the ordinary member, conformity to the communist value, etc. It defamiliarizes the everyday knowledge of the people and creates a liminal stage in which a shared fate could be felt. Therefore, this paper is not intended to deconstruct the ethnic identity, but attempts to provide the empirical analysis on a sociological issue of knowledge through contextualizing the usage and implication of the word “minzu” (ethnicity, nation).","PeriodicalId":285588,"journal":{"name":"Cultural Diversity in China","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114483751","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract There are two dominant perceptions on the relationship between Christianity and rural society and culture in China. One is more concerned about the authenticity of Christianity from the church’s perspective, while the other talks about ‘cultural security’ from the view of the local tradition of China. These seemingly contradictory views are in fact based on the same historical model known as impact response. It is a welldeveloped model in that it could explain the “mission church” (church in China), while it seems less or less likely to help us grasp the nature and reality of the “local church” (China’s Church). Hence, this article deals with the following questions, taking Huanan church (South China Church, or SCC) as a case study. Is it plausible for us to consider this kind of local church and its believers as a sort of Christian faith tradition de facto? In light of the assumption, how do we understand the diversified symbolic representations and even inventions? Furthermore, how do we understand the continuity and discontinuity of tradition, if we consider the faith tradition as a cultural tradition?
{"title":"Symbolic Representation of Rural Christianity and the Inventiveness of Faith Traditions / 乡村基督教的象征表现与信仰传统的发明性","authors":"Huang Jianbo","doi":"10.1515/CDC-2015-0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/CDC-2015-0007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract There are two dominant perceptions on the relationship between Christianity and rural society and culture in China. One is more concerned about the authenticity of Christianity from the church’s perspective, while the other talks about ‘cultural security’ from the view of the local tradition of China. These seemingly contradictory views are in fact based on the same historical model known as impact response. It is a welldeveloped model in that it could explain the “mission church” (church in China), while it seems less or less likely to help us grasp the nature and reality of the “local church” (China’s Church). Hence, this article deals with the following questions, taking Huanan church (South China Church, or SCC) as a case study. Is it plausible for us to consider this kind of local church and its believers as a sort of Christian faith tradition de facto? In light of the assumption, how do we understand the diversified symbolic representations and even inventions? Furthermore, how do we understand the continuity and discontinuity of tradition, if we consider the faith tradition as a cultural tradition?","PeriodicalId":285588,"journal":{"name":"Cultural Diversity in China","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126443509","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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