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Power-Sharing in Divided Societies 分裂社会中的权力分享
Pub Date : 2021-07-29 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190904418.013.30
J. Doyle
Peacebuilding—in one form or another—is likely to persist for the duration of a liberal world order. Power-sharing models of government as a contribution to peacemaking have dominated constitutional design since the mid-1990s, but they remain highly contested. Consociational power-sharing offers a means to move beyond armed conflict acceptable to political actors, for whom a return to hegemonic majoritarianism is unacceptable and a hope of conflict transformation too distant. Critics claim that it locks in divided identities and prevents other options emerging. This chapter argues that the causal impact of power-sharing in cases such as Bosnia and Herzegovina, compared to other features of these conflicts, such as excessive canonization, is not clear-cut and that in other situations, such as Northern Ireland, the outcomes are more positive. Basing each cycle of power-sharing executive formation on the results of the previous election rather than historic balances of power or population can facilitate internal electoral competition within political communities and the emergence of new parties outside of the traditional political divisions. It could also facilitate other forms of representation, such as gender quotas. The external influences on power-sharing and international intervention are not well explored, and engaging with the “local turn” in peacemaking could allow a better understanding of the positive and negative factors in the interaction between external support and local agency.
和平建设——以这样或那样的形式——很可能在自由世界秩序期间持续下去。自20世纪90年代中期以来,政府权力分享模式对和平的贡献一直主导着宪法设计,但它们仍然备受争议。联合权力分享提供了一种超越武装冲突的手段,这是政治行为者可以接受的,对他们来说,回归霸权多数主义是不可接受的,冲突转变的希望也太遥远了。批评人士声称,它锁定了分裂的身份,并阻止了其他选择的出现。本章认为,与这些冲突的其他特征(如过度册封)相比,在波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那等情况下,权力分享的因果影响并不明确,而在其他情况下,如北爱尔兰,结果更为积极。每一轮权力分享的行政组成都是根据上一次选举的结果,而不是历史上的权力平衡或人口平衡,这样可以促进政治社区内部的选举竞争和传统政治分歧之外的新政党的出现。它还可以促进其他形式的代表权,例如性别配额。没有很好地探讨对权力分享和国际干预的外部影响,参与建立和平的"地方转向"可以使人们更好地了解外部支助与地方机构之间相互作用中的积极因素和消极因素。
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引用次数: 0
Statebuilding Statebuilding
Pub Date : 2021-06-09 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190904418.013.31
D. Chandler
This chapter analyzes how international statebuilding has shifted from problem-solving to a new discursive regime of acceptance and affirmation. It seeks to explore how the shift to bottom-up or postliberal approaches in the early 2000s led to a focus on epistemological barriers to intervention and an appreciation of complexity. It describes a process of reflection upon statebuilding as a policy practice, whereby the need to focus on local context and relations in order to take problems seriously further undermines confidence in the Western episteme. In other words, the bottom-up approach, rather than resolving the crisis of policy practices of statebuilding, seems to have further intensified it. It is argued that the way out of this crisis is to reject the problem-solving external authority and instead to “unlearn” from the opportunities opened up through the practices of exploring and engaging with the “other.”
本章分析国际国家建设如何从解决问题转向接受和肯定的新话语体制。它试图探索21世纪初向自下而上或后自由主义方法的转变如何导致关注干预的认识论障碍和对复杂性的欣赏。它描述了一个将国家建设作为一种政策实践进行反思的过程,在这个过程中,为了认真对待问题,需要关注当地的背景和关系,这进一步削弱了对西方知识的信心。换句话说,自下而上的方法,而不是解决国家建设政策实践的危机,似乎进一步加剧了它。有人认为,摆脱这种危机的方法是拒绝解决问题的外部权威,而是“忘记”通过探索和与“他者”接触的实践所开辟的机会。
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引用次数: 4
The European Union and Peacebuilding 欧洲联盟与建设和平
Pub Date : 2021-06-09 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190904418.013.19
Nathalie. Tocci
This chapter looks at the European Union’s peacebuilding approach. The chapter argues that the EU has moved from a hyperliberal idealist approach based on conditionality, social learning, and passive enforcement to building peace and reconstructing states to a more bottom-up principled pragmatism centered around supporting states’ and societies’ resilience and integrating the EU’s capabilities and instruments to leverage greater and above all more coherent impact. To trace this journey, this chapter will briefly recount what the EU’s approach to peacebuilding looked like in the 1990s and 2000s, notably in the Union’s surrounding regions, and what it is now transforming into, largely as a result of the changed strategic context both in Europe and in the wider world.
本章探讨欧洲联盟的建设和平办法。本章认为,欧盟已经从一种基于条件性、社会学习和被动执行的超自由主义理想主义方法转向了一种以建立和平和重建国家为基础的自下而上的原则实用主义,其核心是支持国家和社会的弹性,并整合欧盟的能力和工具,以发挥更大的、最重要的是更连贯的影响。为了追溯这一历程,本章将简要叙述欧盟在20世纪90年代和21世纪初的和平建设方式,特别是在欧盟周边地区,以及它现在正在转变的方式,主要是由于欧洲和更广阔世界的战略背景发生了变化。
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引用次数: 0
Religion and Peacebuilding 宗教与建设和平
Pub Date : 2021-06-09 DOI: 10.1093/OXFORDHB/9780190904418.013.41
J. Brewer
This chapter explores the relationship between religion and politics through the lens of religious peacebuilding. Instead of asking the usual question of what happens to politics when it is infused with religion, it explores what happens to religion when it becomes politicized. Politicized religion distorts the meaning and practice of religion, one consequence of which is to constrain the potential for religious peacebuilding. Instead of becoming part of the solution in conflict transformation, politicized religion becomes part of the problem. The chapter goes on to discuss the far greater role religion has played in transitional justice.
本章从宗教和平建设的角度探讨宗教与政治的关系。它没有提出通常的问题,即当政治被注入宗教时会发生什么,而是探讨了宗教被政治化时会发生什么。政治化的宗教扭曲了宗教的意义和实践,其后果之一是限制了宗教和平建设的潜力。在冲突转变中,政治化的宗教没有成为解决方案的一部分,而是成为问题的一部分。本章继续讨论宗教在过渡时期司法中所起的更大作用。
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引用次数: 0
Transitional Justice and Peacebuilding 过渡时期司法与建设和平
Pub Date : 2021-06-09 DOI: 10.1093/OXFORDHB/9780190904418.013.36
Catherine Turner
This chapter outlines transitional justice as it has been institutionalized in international law, policy, and practice. As such it focuses on transitional justice as an elite discourse rather than as a grassroots project. The reason for this is the potential of elite discourses to constrain what is considered appropriate at the local level, and because it is the tension between international frameworks and local peacebuilding that is the subject of most of the critique of transitional justice from a peacebuilding perspective. The chapter provides an overview of the key transitional mechanisms and explores how each mechanism is intended to contribute to the goal of peace. The chapter considers the professionalization of transitional justice as a field and its embeddedness in normative ideas of justice. In addressing a peacebuilding audience the chapter seeks first to explain the arguments made in favor of legally normative transitional justice mechanisms, before exploring the difficult relationship between law and politics in transitional justice scholarship that contributes to the disciplinary gap that is so evident between transitional justice and peacebuilding.
本章概述了过渡时期司法在国际法律、政策和实践中制度化的过程。因此,它关注的是作为精英话语的过渡正义,而不是作为草根项目。其原因是精英话语有可能限制在地方层面上被认为合适的东西,因为从建设和平的角度来看,大多数对过渡时期司法的批评都是国际框架与地方建设和平之间的紧张关系。本章概述了主要的过渡机制,并探讨了每一种机制是如何为实现和平目标作出贡献的。这一章考察了过渡时期司法的专业化作为一个领域及其在司法规范观念中的嵌入性。在向建设和平的读者发表讲话时,本章首先试图解释支持法律规范的过渡时期司法机制的论点,然后探索过渡时期司法学术中法律与政治之间的困难关系,这种关系导致了过渡时期司法与建设和平之间如此明显的学科差距。
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引用次数: 0
Protection of Civilians 保护平民
Pub Date : 2021-06-09 DOI: 10.1017/9781316107010.007
W. Kilroy
The protection of civilians was first included the mandate of a UN peacekeeping operation in 1999, and has since become a standard item on the list of tasks for integrated missions. The wording of the mandates has also become more ambitious, and force is not only permitted but has been used in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in tackling armed groups that were preying on civilians. Protecting civilians from direct physical violence is not simply a military matter, and it includes promoting political processes and improving the human rights environment. But the possibility of UN peacekeepers using force is a further step in the fundamental changes seen in peace operations since they began as a cautious, neutral presence where peace was already in place. Protecting civilians goes to the heart of peacekeeping, with very real dilemmas on whether and how to act. There can be significant consequences for civilians and conflict dynamics, whatever decisions are made.
1999年,保护平民首次被纳入联合国维和行动的任务范围,此后成为综合特派团任务清单中的一项标准项目。授权的措辞也变得更加雄心勃勃,在刚果民主共和国,不仅允许使用武力,而且还使用武力对付掠夺平民的武装团体。保护平民免受直接的身体暴力不仅仅是一个军事问题,还包括促进政治进程和改善人权环境。但是,联合国维和人员使用武力的可能性是和平行动发生根本性变化的又一步,因为他们最初是在和平已经存在的地方谨慎、中立地存在。保护平民是维持和平的核心,在是否采取行动以及如何采取行动方面存在非常现实的困境。无论做出何种决定,都可能对平民和冲突动态造成重大后果。
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引用次数: 0
International Interventions 国际干预
Pub Date : 2021-06-09 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190904418.013.16
Aidan Hehir
This chapter explores the relationship between state sovereignty and the vexed question of intervention. While the sovereign state has become the dominant political unit in the international system, the rights afforded to ostensibly sovereign states remain prey to power politics, and—especially in recent decades—the rise in support for international human rights. This chapter contrasts the laws governing intervention with actual state practice and notes that while international law has advanced considerably in the past hundred years—in terms of both depth and breadth—there has been little substantive change to the mechanism by which these laws are actually enforced.
这一章探讨了国家主权和令人烦恼的干涉问题之间的关系。虽然主权国家已经成为国际体系中占主导地位的政治单位,但给予表面上主权国家的权利仍然是强权政治的牺牲品,尤其是近几十年来,国际人权支持的增加。本章将有关干预的法律与实际国家实践进行了对比,并指出,尽管国际法在过去一百年中在深度和广度方面都取得了长足的进步,但这些法律实际执行的机制却几乎没有实质性的变化。
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引用次数: 0
Emancipatory Peace 和平解放
Pub Date : 2021-06-09 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190904418.013.46
Gëzim Visoka
The quest for emancipation remains an aspirational project in critical peace and conflict studies. Recently, however, new proposals for emancipatory peace have emerged in conflict-affected societies. This chapter gives an overview of different visions of emancipatory peace and examines their key features. Whereas, for the proponents of liberal peace, local subjects need to be freed from the local practices, identities, habits, and structures that have caused violent conflict in the first place, critical scholars focus their emancipatory project on the importance of not only tackling the root causes of conflict but also unmaking the negative legacies of liberal peacebuilding’s failed attempts to resolve the tier-one suppressive structures. The first part of the chapter briefly outlines the significance of emancipation for different strands of critical theory. The tensions between deconstructive and reconstructive modes of critique will be examined to shed light on the extent to which critical theory can contribute to the development of emancipatory knowledge for social and political change. The discussion then surveys the early critiques of liberal peacebuilding and outlines some of the emerging visions of what emancipatory peace would look like in conflict-affected societies. Finally, the chapter traces some of the critiques of and responses to the visions of an emancipatory peace, and it concludes by exploring the limits of existing work in critical peace and conflict studies and exploring ideas for a future direction.
在重要的和平与冲突研究中,追求解放仍然是一个令人向往的项目。然而,最近在受冲突影响的社会中出现了解放和平的新建议。本章概述了解放和平的不同观点,并考察了它们的主要特征。然而,对于自由主义和平的支持者来说,地方主体需要从导致暴力冲突的地方实践、身份、习惯和结构中解放出来,批判性学者将他们的解放项目集中在不仅解决冲突根源的重要性上,而且还要消除自由主义和平建设失败的负面遗产,试图解决一级镇压结构。本章的第一部分简要概述了解放对不同批判理论流派的意义。解构主义和重建主义批判模式之间的紧张关系将被检查,以阐明批判理论在多大程度上有助于社会和政治变革的解放知识的发展。然后,讨论回顾了早期对自由主义和平建设的批评,并概述了一些新兴的愿景,即在受冲突影响的社会中,解放和平会是什么样子。最后,本章追溯了对解放和平愿景的一些批评和回应,并通过探索批判性和平与冲突研究中现有工作的局限性以及探索未来方向的想法来结束。
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引用次数: 4
Globalization of Peace 和平全球化
Pub Date : 2021-06-09 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190904418.013.21
Jackie Smith
Conventional scholarship on peace and peacebuilding fail to consider how the capitalist world-system is implicated in the structural violence that fuels violent conflicts around the world. This helps to account for the widespread failures of state-led peacebuilding interventions. Although social movement and civil society actors are deemed critical to successful peacebuilding, they are typically denied meaningful roles in shaping these processes. Yet subaltern groups are critical agents pressing for attention to latent conflicts before they escalate into violent confrontations, and they work to reduce violent conflicts and their harmful effects on communities. By shifting our gaze from the realm of states and the interstate system, we see an array of forces working “from below” to articulate projects to transform social relations in ways that Oliver Richmond calls “peace formation.” Global human rights discourses have provided a unifying framework and focal point for these grassroots initiatives, which eschew mainstream notions of rights as formal protections for individuals while advancing new foundations for transformative peacebuilding based upon “people-centered human rights.”
关于和平与建设和平的传统学术没有考虑到资本主义世界体系是如何与助长世界各地暴力冲突的结构性暴力联系在一起的。这有助于解释国家主导的建设和平干预行动普遍失败的原因。虽然社会运动和民间社会行动者被认为是成功建设和平的关键,但他们通常无法在塑造这些进程中发挥有意义的作用。然而,在潜在冲突升级为暴力对抗之前,底层群体是促使人们关注这些冲突的关键力量,他们努力减少暴力冲突及其对社区的有害影响。通过将我们的目光从国家和州际系统的领域转移,我们看到了一系列“自下而上”的力量,以奥利弗·里士满(Oliver Richmond)称之为“和平形成”的方式,阐明了改变社会关系的项目。全球人权话语为这些基层倡议提供了统一的框架和焦点,这些倡议避开了将权利视为对个人的正式保护的主流观念,同时为基于“以人民为中心的人权”的变革性建设和平奠定了新的基础。
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引用次数: 0
The International Law of Peace 国际和平法
Pub Date : 2021-06-09 DOI: 10.1093/OXFORDHB/9780190904418.013.11
Cecilia M. Bailliet
Contemporary international law is in a state of flux based on shifts within the geopolitical order. This chapter discusses the normative evolution of the concept of peace international law from peaceful coexistence to the current identification of a right to peace and discusses the interface with the Responsibility to Protect doctrine. It discusses a wide range of dilemmas presented by peace treaties, Jus Post Bellum, and the interface between the umbrella terms of Human Security, Security, and Peace. The chapter suggests that these normative iterations represent a watershed in human rights and international law as non-Western approaches to conflict prevention gain traction.
当代国际法由于地缘政治秩序的变化而处于不断变化的状态。本章讨论了和平概念在国际法中的规范演变,从和平共处到目前对和平权利的认定,并讨论了其与保护责任理论的衔接。它讨论了和平条约、战后法以及人类安全、安全与和平这三个总括术语之间的相互作用所带来的广泛困境。本章表明,随着非西方预防冲突的方法越来越受欢迎,这些规范的迭代代表了人权和国际法的分水岭。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
The Oxford Handbook of Peacebuilding, Statebuilding, and Peace Formation
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